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← Charles Flanagan

Rhetoric and votes

Charles Flanagan

Experimental measure. Read the method before quoting a number.
This compares the position a member expressed in a debate with the way they voted in the division that debate produced. It is not a measure of honesty. A member who argues against a Bill and then votes against it scores as aligned; so does one who never departs from a party line they also argue for. Voting against your own stated view under a party whip is ordinary parliamentary behaviour, which is why the whip breakdown below sits next to the headline rather than underneath it. Full method and validation →
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only 1 scorable vote — below the 10 needed for an interval worth printing
100%
voted with their own party's majority · 605 votes

Why the denominator is small

The measure only exists where this member actually spoke in the debate their vote belongs to, and where that vote can be tied to a specific question. Both cuts are steep.

Votes cast606
… spoke in that debate section8
… vote tied to a specific question4
… position stated clearly enough to score1

The third row is the sharpest cut. A committee-stage sitting can hold fifteen divisions while its speeches discuss forty-two numbered amendments, and the record does not say which amendment each division was. Those votes are counted here and deliberately left unscored rather than guessed.

Alignment against the whip

The same scorable votes, split by whether the member went with their party. The top-right cell is the one worth reading: a stated position reversed while following the party line.

Voted with own partyVoted against own party
Matched their words 0 0
Contradicted their words 1 0

Not scored: 4 where the vote could not be tied to a question, 0 where no clear position was stated in the debate.

Where the words and the vote diverge

Every case the pipeline flagged, with the contribution it read and the vote as recorded. Judge them yourself — that is the point of showing them rather than only the rate.

2023-12-05 · Confidence in the Minister for Justice: Motion · Question put: · Carried

Read as oppose (cue, confidence 0.80) · voted TA · with their party

I rise to strongly support the Minister, Deputy McEntee, and the Commissioner, Drew Harris, in their work, in particular at this time of challenge to the State from the far right and the far left. The first duty of any State is the safety and security of its citizens. In this regard Fine Gael has never been found wanting. It faced down decades of threats of a most brutal type from Sinn Féin and the IRA and the broade…

Full contribution → · The division →

Tone

Valence runs −1 (negative) to +1 (positive). This is a separate measure from alignment above and says nothing about how anyone voted — "the Minister has been asleep at the wheel" is strongly negative and carries no position on the question.

ModelSpeeches scored Mean valenceCorpus mean
vader51 +0.491 +0.423

Which policies move them

Mean tone by topic, most negative first. Topics come from an LDA model fitted over debate contributions; the terms are the model's, the labels are hand-assigned.

TopicSpeechesMean valence
Justice, policing and defence garda · defence · justice · violence · criminal · gardaí 14 +0.279
Legislation, courts and legal process act · legislation · shall · court · person · information 6 +0.599
Departmental programmes and funding (diffuse) department · national · funding · new · important · programme 16 +0.623
Procedural and rhetorical filler (low-content) important · like · good · debate · did · does 6 +0.690
Covid-19 and public health emergency covid · health · public · pandemic · measures · safety 6 +0.820

Departures from their own baseline

Contributions whose tone sits more than two standard deviations from this member's own average. Baselines are per member on purpose — an absolute threshold would just rank people by temperament.

2020-06-24 · Covid-19 (Measures to Protect Victims of Domestic Violence): Statements · z = -2.5 · Departmental programmes and funding (diffuse)
I, too, acknowledge the work of the non-governmental organisations working alongside the statutory agencies in a collaborative manner. I have to say, however, that Tusla's funding of services is currently over €25 million this year. The work that was done by t…

Full contribution →

2020-06-24 · Offences against the State (Amendment) Act 1998 and Criminal Justice (Amendment) Act 2009: Motions · z = -2.5 · Justice, policing and defence
I move: That Dáil Éireann resolves that sections 2 to 4, 6 to 12, 14 and 17 of the Offences against the State (Amendment) Act 1998 (No. 39 of 1998) shall continue in operation for the period beginning on 30th June, 2020 and ending on 29th June, 2021. The House…

Full contribution →

2023-12-05 · Confidence in the Minister for Justice: Motion · z = -2.4 · Justice, policing and defence
I rise to strongly support the Minister, Deputy McEntee, and the Commissioner, Drew Harris, in their work, in particular at this time of challenge to the State from the far right and the far left. The first duty of any State is the safety and security of its c…

Full contribution →

2020-06-24 · Covid-19 (Measures to Protect Victims of Domestic Violence): Statements · z = -2.2 · Justice, policing and defence
It is deeply regrettable that domestic abuse and sexual violence are so prevalent across society that we are discussing these issues in the Dáil. However, I very much welcome the fact that Deputies are here and that people are participating in seeking ways to …

Full contribution →

The whip, across the whole corpus

Alignment by the party a member sat for on the day, with 95% Wilson intervals. This is the test the measure could have failed.

PartyAligned95% CI n
PBP 82.5% 68–91% 40
LAB 78.2% 69–85% 101
IND 76.5% 72–81% 327
SF 75.8% 69–81% 198
SD 71.4% 58–82% 49
FG 69.1% 62–76% 162
FF 67.9% 60–75% 165
GP 56.8% 41–71% 37

Members of government parties align their stated position with their vote 9.4 points less often than Independents — bootstrap 95% CI [+2.7, +16.0], which excludes zero. Opposition parties sit 9.5 points above government too, CI [+3.1, +15.9]. Independents and opposition members are indistinguishable from each other (−0.0 points, CI [−6.3, +6.2]). So the gap does not come from having no party; it comes from being in government, which is what a whip effect should look like. Read this as the measure behaving sensibly, not as a finding about any individual.

How the scorer scores

Two automated methods were built and both failed. What survives is the rule-based layer, which is why the coverage above is narrow.

MethodAccuracy95% CI n
nli-vs-mover-anchor:deberta 35.9% 29–42% 234
nli-vs-mover-anchor:distilroberta 11.5% 8–16% 234

Zero-shot entailment was asked to judge contributions whose true position is known — the member moved the amendment, so the answer is support by construction — and got it right 11.5% of the time, returning "unclear" or "oppose" for nearly everything. A classifier trained on the rule-labelled cases over the corpus embeddings reached 71.1% against a 65.3% majority-class baseline: better than chance, not better enough. Both are excluded from every figure on this page. Only the rule-based cascade, which is exact where it fires and silent where it does not, is used.

Method

Position is read from the member's own contributions in the debate section the division belongs to, by a three-step cascade: an explicit move of the question ("I move amendment No. 5", true by construction); declarative stance phrases ordered so negations are tested first, because "I cannot support" and "I do not oppose" both defeat a naive keyword match; and, where neither fires, a zero-shot entailment model judging the contribution against the question put. Tone uses a separate model and is reported separately. Agreement against hand-labelled cases, with bootstrap intervals, is on the evidence page; no score here should be read without it.