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Rhetoric and votes

Thomas Gould

Experimental measure. Read the method before quoting a number.
This compares the position a member expressed in a debate with the way they voted in the division that debate produced. It is not a measure of honesty. A member who argues against a Bill and then votes against it scores as aligned; so does one who never departs from a party line they also argue for. Voting against your own stated view under a party whip is ordinary parliamentary behaviour, which is why the whip breakdown below sits next to the headline rather than underneath it. Full method and validation →
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only 5 scorable votes — below the 10 needed for an interval worth printing
100%
voted with their own party's majority · 1,056 votes

Why the denominator is small

The measure only exists where this member actually spoke in the debate their vote belongs to, and where that vote can be tied to a specific question. Both cuts are steep.

Votes cast1,068
… spoke in that debate section88
… vote tied to a specific question37
… position stated clearly enough to score5

The third row is the sharpest cut. A committee-stage sitting can hold fifteen divisions while its speeches discuss forty-two numbered amendments, and the record does not say which amendment each division was. Those votes are counted here and deliberately left unscored rather than guessed.

Alignment against the whip

The same scorable votes, split by whether the member went with their party. The top-right cell is the one worth reading: a stated position reversed while following the party line.

Voted with own partyVoted against own party
Matched their words 3 0
Contradicted their words 2 0

Not scored: 51 where the vote could not be tied to a question, 1 where no clear position was stated in the debate.

Where the words and the vote diverge

Every case the pipeline flagged, with the contribution it read and the vote as recorded. Judge them yourself — that is the point of showing them rather than only the rate.

2021-03-31 · An tOrd Gnó - Order of Business · Question put: "That the proposal for dealing with Thursday's business be agreed to." · Carried

Read as support (cue, confidence 0.85) · voted NIL · with their party

Politicians have to be responsible for our actions. When the Taoiseach speaks to the nation, as he did yesterday, people look for leadership and hope. I refer to the last-minute announcement about the change in the vaccine roll-out. I am dealing with carers, teachers, child support workers, members of the Garda and bus drivers. A man told me on the train from Cork yesterday that one of the workers in Iarnród Éireann …

Full contribution → · The division →

2020-11-04 · Criminal Justice (Enforcement Powers) (Covid-19) Act 2020: Motion · Question put: "That the motion be agreed to." · Carried

Read as support (cue, confidence 0.85) · voted NIL · with their party

I do not wish to use up the time if Deputy Daly is just running late. I support Deputy Martin Kenny's amendment to the motion. Will the Acting Chairman indicate whether I may return to the point I was making in my contribution on Second Stage of the Finance Bill 2020?…

Full contribution → · The division →

Tone

Valence runs −1 (negative) to +1 (positive). This is a separate measure from alignment above and says nothing about how anyone voted — "the Minister has been asleep at the wheel" is strongly negative and carries no position on the question.

ModelSpeeches scored Mean valenceCorpus mean
vader940 +0.063 +0.423

Which policies move them

Mean tone by topic, most negative first. Topics come from an LDA model fitted over debate contributions; the terms are the model's, the labels are hand-assigned.

TopicSpeechesMean valence
Local government, roads and regional funding county · cork · discuss · west · road · local 23 -0.175
Health scandals, inquiries and bereaved families hospital · families · family · cancer · children · did 47 -0.168
Housing, rent and homelessness housing · homes · local · accommodation · rent · affordable 103 -0.157
Cost of living, tax and budget cost · tax · budget · energy · costs · increase 65 +0.009
Justice, policing and defence garda · defence · justice · violence · criminal · gardaí 13 +0.022
Children, families and young people children · women · young · child · family · families 41 +0.033
Health services, HSE and disability health · services · care · service · hse · mental 38 +0.040
War, Ukraine, Israel and human rights international · ireland · ukraine · israel · war · irish 7 +0.119
Climate, agriculture, energy and water water · climate · farmers · energy · food · agriculture 10 +0.141
Transport, Dublin and rural development local · transport · dublin · city · public · community 26 +0.162
Procedural and rhetorical filler (low-content) important · like · good · debate · did · does 69 +0.241
Education and schools school · education · schools · children · students · special 22 +0.269
Employment, welfare schemes and business supports scheme · businesses · payment · sector · employment · insurance 9 +0.279
Party-political exchange (party names dominate) workers · rights · right · sinn · féin · irish 35 +0.298
Covid-19 and public health emergency covid · health · public · pandemic · measures · safety 18 +0.339
Media, banking and State companies ireland · irish · media · industry · companies · post 24 +0.391
Legislation, courts and legal process act · legislation · shall · court · person · information 5 +0.859

The whip, across the whole corpus

Alignment by the party a member sat for on the day, with 95% Wilson intervals. This is the test the measure could have failed.

PartyAligned95% CI n
PBP 82.5% 68–91% 40
LAB 78.2% 69–85% 101
IND 76.5% 72–81% 327
SF 75.8% 69–81% 198
SD 71.4% 58–82% 49
FG 69.1% 62–76% 162
FF 67.9% 60–75% 165
GP 56.8% 41–71% 37

Members of government parties align their stated position with their vote 9.4 points less often than Independents — bootstrap 95% CI [+2.7, +16.0], which excludes zero. Opposition parties sit 9.5 points above government too, CI [+3.1, +15.9]. Independents and opposition members are indistinguishable from each other (−0.0 points, CI [−6.3, +6.2]). So the gap does not come from having no party; it comes from being in government, which is what a whip effect should look like. Read this as the measure behaving sensibly, not as a finding about any individual.

How the scorer scores

Two automated methods were built and both failed. What survives is the rule-based layer, which is why the coverage above is narrow.

MethodAccuracy95% CI n
nli-vs-mover-anchor:deberta 35.9% 29–42% 234
nli-vs-mover-anchor:distilroberta 11.5% 8–16% 234

Zero-shot entailment was asked to judge contributions whose true position is known — the member moved the amendment, so the answer is support by construction — and got it right 11.5% of the time, returning "unclear" or "oppose" for nearly everything. A classifier trained on the rule-labelled cases over the corpus embeddings reached 71.1% against a 65.3% majority-class baseline: better than chance, not better enough. Both are excluded from every figure on this page. Only the rule-based cascade, which is exact where it fires and silent where it does not, is used.

Method

Position is read from the member's own contributions in the debate section the division belongs to, by a three-step cascade: an explicit move of the question ("I move amendment No. 5", true by construction); declarative stance phrases ordered so negations are tested first, because "I cannot support" and "I do not oppose" both defeat a naive keyword match; and, where neither fires, a zero-shot entailment model judging the contribution against the question put. Tone uses a separate model and is reported separately. Agreement against hand-labelled cases, with bootstrap intervals, is on the evidence page; no score here should be read without it.