I move:

That Seanad Éireann approves the exercise by the State of the option or discretion to which Article 20 of the Treaty on European Union relating to enhanced cooperation applies to establish enhanced cooperation as described in the draft Council Decision authorising enhanced cooperation on the establishment of a Loan for Ukraine, a copy of which was laid before Seanad Éireann on 21st January, 2026.

I appear before the House today to discuss the motion seeking approval for Ireland to exercise the option, in accordance with Article 29.4.7°.i of Bunreacht na hÉireann, to participate in enhanced co-operation on the establishment of a loan for Ukraine. It is almost four years since Russia's unprovoked, unlawful and unjustifiable attack on Ukraine began and the situation in Ukraine remains grave. Russia's illegal war of aggression has claimed almost 15,000 civilian lives and over 100,000 military casualties. It has forced the migration of 6 million people and caused over €450 billion of damage to Ukraine's infrastructure. Recent weeks have seen an escalation of deeply disturbing drone and missile attacks targeting critical infrastructure. These attacks have killed and injured civilians and left millions without power or heating in the depths of winter.

Each day that Russia continues its brutal war against Ukraine is another day that Russia continues to violate international law and makes the world, and Europe in particular, a less secure and more dangerous place. The war is having a broad impact on the European Continent, particularly from an economic, fiscal and security perspective. Uncertainty levels remain elevated. Economic momentum has slowed, investment and consumer spending has weakened, inflation has risen and supply disruption, including in energy supply, has emerged. Member states have been forced to take action to mitigate these economic impacts and to enhance their security and defence infrastructure. How Europe and the international community respond has far-reaching consequences for Ukraine, for European security and for the European economy as well as for the future of the international, rules-based order on which our security and prosperity depend. Ireland has consistently expressed its unwavering support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The people of Ireland feel strong empathy and solidarity with the people of Ukraine. This was re-emphasised during President Zelenskyy 's visit to Dublin in December of last year and by the Taoiseach at the European Council later that month.

Since the onset of the war in February 2022, Ireland's total allocated support to Ukraine amounts to over €464.4 million. This includes €173.4 million in stabilisation and humanitarian assistance, €200 million in bilateral, non-lethal military support for Ukraine, €66 million in non-lethal military support under the European Peace Facility as well as €25 million to support the provision of energy to Ukraine, announced last month. Beyond financial support, Ireland has welcomed over 123,700 people fleeing Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine since the war began, under the temporary protection directive.

There has been widespread international support for Ukraine, particularly from the EU. Since the start of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, the EU and its member states have provided €193.3 billion in overall support. This includes, for example, €18 billion under the macro-financial assistance, the EU's contribution to the G7 extraordinary revenue acceleration loan and €50 billion under the EU budget's Ukraine facility, of which €28 billion has already been disbursed. On 3 December, European Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, and EU Commissioner Dombrovskis made a statement on Ukraine's financial needs, noting that the IMF estimates that Ukraine will need €135 billion for 2026 and 2027. However, this assumes that the war will end later this year. The level of uncertainty around this remains exceptionally high, not least due Russia's intensified attacks.

The European Commission has advised member states that the financial situation in Ukraine requires a disbursement of EU moneys by April. It is in this context that new financial support from the EU is urgently needed. Given the ongoing war and these imminent financing needs, extensive efforts took place in the EU in late 2025 to agree a reparations loan for Ukraine of €210 billion to cover the period up to 2030. It was proposed that this would have been funded either by borrowing cash balances from banks and other financial companies holding immobilised Russian Central Bank assets, or by joint EU borrowing, guaranteed by EU budget headroom. Despite intensive discussions it was not possible to come to an agreement on this proposed reparations loan at the December European Council meeting, though leaders asked for work to continue on the technical and legal aspects of this loan. In place of this proposal, leaders agreed the Ukraine support loan of €90 billion for 2026 and 2027, using EU borrowing on capital markets, to be repaid by reparations due by Russia and backed by EU budget headroom. The European Commission is currently working with member states on the regulations to underpin this. The €90 billion support package is estimated to cover two thirds of Ukraine's overall financing needs for the next two years. Given its imminent financing needs, it is critical that European financial supports are disbursed to Ukraine in the second quarter at the latest. These supports will further advance strategic investment in Ukraine and contribute to European security, defence and sustainable economic development. Continued and co-ordinated support from international partners therefore remains essential, including timely delivery on commitments by the G7 for 2026 and beyond.

While the December European Council agreed the €90 billion loan, it was not possible to get agreement across all 27 member states as the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia opted not to participate. Article 20 of the Treaty on European Union sets out a mechanism, called enhanced co-operation, that allows a minimum of nine EU member states to set up advanced co-operation in a particular area. This is provided for when the EU as a whole cannot achieve the goals of such co-operation within a reasonable period. So, the remaining 24 member states, including Ireland, asked the European Commission to prepare a proposal for a Council decision authorising enhanced co-operation on establishing the loan for Ukraine. Approval to proceed with enhanced co-operation is granted by the Council, based on a European Commission proposal and following European Parliament consent. Agreement in principle to the European Commission proposal on enhanced co-operation was provided at the Committee of EU Ambassadors on 9 January. The European Parliament provided its consent on 21 January.

The final agreement will be taken by the participating member states at Council in the coming days. On 20 January, the Government provided its approval to, first, proceeding with enhanced co-operation on establishing a loan to Ukraine and, second, moving today's motion seeking the prior approval for same from both Houses of the Oireachtas. This is in line with Article 29.4.7° of Bunreacht na hÉireann, which outlines that "the State may exercise the options or discretions to which Article 20 of the Treaty on European Union relating to enhanced cooperation applies, but the agreement to any such decision, regulation or act shall be subject to the prior approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas." By opting to participate in enhanced co-operation on the loan to Ukraine, Ireland will provide a clear signal of our continued solidarity with Ukraine and commitment to the security of our Continent.

Last December, we here in the Oireachtas heard directly from President Zelenskyy on the devastation that Russia's unprovoked and unjustified full-scale war is having in Ukraine. We cannot and must not stand idly by in the face of such aggression. Ireland has been, and will continue to be, a strong supporter of Ukraine. There is an onus on us all to act and, in this case, provide our support to help to address Ukraine's financing needs for 2026 and 2027. This is essential for Ukraine to be able to exercise its inherent right of self-defence, support macrofinancial stability and put it in the strongest possible position in peace negotiations. It is for this reason that I propose rejecting the amendment to the motion put forward by Sinn Féin. It is critical that Ireland and its EU partners continue to provide Ukraine with the support necessary to exercise its right to self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter.

In addition, the December European Council conclusions clearly recognise the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain member states and the security and defence interests of all member states in relation to the loan to be provided to Ukraine. The proposal is for the loan to be used to finance Ukraine's wider budget needs as well as defence spending.

With the reasoning I have set out, I urge Senators to support today's motion seeking approval for Ireland to exercise the option to participate in enhanced co-operation with 23 other EU member states on the establishment of a loan to Ukraine. I commend the motion to the House.

The Fine Gael group supports this motion. It is important to recognise that this is a loan. It is also important to once again condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine. At this moment, we think of all the families in Ukraine who are currently experiencing loss, having lost loved ones in the invasion thus far. While we regret that a conclusion to the conflict seems far away, we hope that one will come soon and that it will ultimately be agreeable to all of the people across Ukraine who have sacrificed so much since the invasion took place.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "That Seanad Éireann" and substitute the following:

“notes draft Council Decision authorising enhanced cooperation on the establishment of a Loan for Ukraine, a copy of which was laid before Seanad Éireann on 21st January, 2026;

recognises that:

- the 2022 invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation was an act of aggression which was motivated by expansion and imperialist ambitions;

- the people of Ukraine have shown immense resolve, resilience and determination;

- the Irish people have stood in solidarity with the people of Ukraine and share their hope for a just, sustainable and lasting peace, which respects the rights of the Ukrainian people;

- Ireland has provided and continues to rightly provide support for the Ukrainian people by way of aid for non-lethal purposes including infrastructure, energy costs and humanitarian needs;

- the nature of this aid reflects the fact that while Ireland has a politically clear position in condemning Russian aggression, it is and remains the position that Ireland is a militarily neutral state; therefore, it does not provide military aid;

- the European Union was conceived of as an organisation for the promotion of trade, economic integration and peace and was never intended as a substitute for or equivalent to military alliances;

- we respect the prerogative of individual member states to participate in the trade of arms, according to their own policies and priorities but that this should occur outside of the ambit of EU structures, respecting the need for the EU to respect the neutrality of various member states;

- the enhanced cooperation mechanisms were never envisioned to be used for purposes such as large-scale loans for purposes including military expenditure and that some of the checks and balances that would be typically applied have been discarded in this instance;

- there is no obstacle to member states who wish to provide arms to Ukraine in providing loans either individually or in concert with other countries, outside of EU vehicles;

- the humanitarian situation in Ukraine remains considerable and civilian assistance remains necessary, particular in sustaining key civilian infrastructure, particularly energy infrastructure which has been relentlessly attacked; and

therefore resolves to restrict our participation in lending money to Ukraine under this enhanced cooperation proposal or otherwise to civilian humanitarian and non-military purposes and shall not participate in loans which may be used for arms.”

Senator McCormack and I are sharing time. Do I require a seconder?

Senator McCormack can second the amendment when she speaks.

Okay. We will be opposing this motion and have tabled an amendment outlining the approach we believe a militarily neutral EU member state should take to providing support for Ukraine. We are deeply sympathetic to the people of Ukraine and fully recognise the act of aggression committed by the Russian Federation in its invasion. Sinn Féin values and defends the right of every nation to sovereignty, a right that has been denied to our own country since partition. On a human level, we understand the parallels between Ireland's experience and that of Ukraine. Both peoples have suffered under colonial domination and the pursuit of imperial interests. In that context, Ukraine has every right to defend itself, just as any sovereign nation does when invaded. We believe that Ireland has shown significant solidarity with Ukraine. Sinn Féin acknowledges and welcomes the many Ukrainian citizens who have made Ireland their home while war continues in their country. The State has provided humanitarian support and assistance with energy costs. We believe this support should continue.

We fully support aid for non-lethal purposes. However, the proposal before us includes no guarantees that this €90 billion package will not be used to purchase weapons. In fact, some EU states stand to benefit from arms sales to Ukraine as a consequence of this loan. The EU itself was conceived as an organisation for the promotion of trade, economic integration and peace. It was never intended to be a substitute for or an equivalent to a military alliance. We respect the prerogative of individual member states to participate in the trade of arms according to their own policies and priorities, but this should occur outside the ambit of EU structures, structures that should respect the neutrality of various member states. It is worth noting that three member states have already opted not to participate in the loan, the repayment of which is dependent on the payment of reparations by Russia.

Ireland is a militarily neutral state. For that reason, we cannot support the issuing of any loan that could be used to purchase weapons. While we respect the decision of other EU member states to provide arms if they choose to do so, Ireland's position is different. Neutrality must be upheld. The Irish people strongly support the policy of military neutrality. The triple lock exists to protect that neutrality. That position has earned us a respected and honourable reputation internationally as a defender of peace, human rights and global justice. It is a position worth defending. This proposal from the Government compromises neutrality and must be rejected but we remain steadfast in our support for Ukraine and all nations and peoples under attack from imperialist forces. We have fervently hoped that a just and lasting peace will be achieved in Ukraine. Our opposition to this motion does not contradict that.

I second the amendment. I thank the Minister of State for coming in. Sinn Féin has roundly condemned the Russian Federation's invasion of Ukraine. It was an illegal act of military aggression and a flagrant violation of sovereignty and international law. It has caused devastating human suffering. Nothing in what we say today diminishes that truth. The people of Ireland have rightly had immense pride in our support for and solidarity with the people of Ukraine since Russia invaded, but the people of Ireland are equally as proud of our neutrality. It is, after all, our neutrality that makes our solidarity in times of struggle so valuable. Our ability to engage in diplomacy over battle lines and in peacekeeping in times of war is what Ireland is respected for all over the world. What we see before us today is a really sharp and dangerous U-turn. It is a clear covert attempt to undermine our neutrality and fund war.

Some €60 billion of this €90 billion loan is designed to go towards weapons. That is where the big problem is. Make no mistake, this loan will do nothing other than ensure the war can continue. We should be helping both sides to engage in peace talks. Our answer is "No". I am really disappointed that our amendment could not be accepted. We have no problem with supporting humanitarian aid in any sense but there is no precedent for us to take part in this loan. We are a neutral country. At a time when services at home are on their knees, how do we explain to constituents in Laois €60 billion of support for Ukraine for a war? Earlier today, I spoke in this Chamber about how there are no detox beds in Portlaoise hospital. We cannot cater for our medical emergency needs and yet we are looking to send money to a war.

We are supposed to be a neutral country. This completely undermines everything we are as a State. It seems the Government just does not care about our neutrality. If the Government wants to dismantle our neutrality, that needs to be put to the Irish people for a vote. Sinn Féin says "No". We should not give €90 billion to Ukraine when €60 billion of it is to be spent on weapons. We have no problem supporting the Ukrainian people. We have welcomed them into our homes and our communities. An enormous number of families from Ukraine are living in Laois. I welcome every opportunity given to them in our communities. We have helped them enormously. Helping Ukraine to fund the war is not the way to bring about peace. It is putting Ireland in a really dangerous position with the EU. This is a devastating mistake for Ireland.

I recognise that this loan facility will provide desperately needed support to the people of Ukraine, who are obviously continuing to endure an awful, brutal and illegal war. Ireland should absolutely stand with Ukraine. I support the measures that provide humanitarian and civilian assistance to the Ukrainian people, in line with our long-standing position of neutrality. The invasion of Ukraine has repeatedly been condemned by the UN, which has reaffirmed that this war represents a clear breach of international law and Ukraine's territorial sovereignty. In a world where international law and diplomacy have been completely disregarded and bullying is the tactic of the day, it is the EU's duty to stand up for democracy and human rights. However, the EU cannot pick and choose when to uphold international law. When international law has been repeatedly breached in Gaza and the West Bank, the EU has consistently ignored that question. When Trump forced his will upon Venezuela, the EU issued pandering statements that failed to recognise the audacious breach of international law that took place. It is concerning that, for many leaders within the EU, international law only appears to apply when it suits and when it is politically expedient. How can the principles of international law be taken seriously when the EU takes a piecemeal approach to their application? Picking and choosing when international law applies and to whom is extremely dangerous, especially in a world where Trump is hell-bent on smashing international law to pieces.

Within that framework, Ireland's tradition of neutrality puts us in a unique position to call out injustices and push for peace. Our history leaves us with a moral responsibility to take actions against atrocities across the world, including in Ukraine. Ireland has already provided important support to the Ukrainian people, providing non-lethal aid, humanitarian support and demining support. Since the start of the war, Ireland has welcomed more than 100,000 Ukrainians. Ukrainians now make up 1% of the Irish population. The people of Ireland can take pride in the support we have given and continue to give to the people of Ukraine. However, we can and must provide support that aligns with our position of neutrality. That is why I am gladly supporting the Sinn Féin amendment this evening. At the negotiating stage, the Government had the opportunity to ring-fence Irish funds to be exclusively used for non-lethal aid, humanitarian support and reconstruction funding. The Government's failure to do so is an example of the significant mission creep we are seeing around our neutrality more broadly, demonstrated most notably with the legislation to abolish the triple lock being brought to Cabinet today.

For peace to prevail, we need to place a greater focus on political dialogue and diplomacy and multilateralism, not pull away from the institutions of multilateralism. Ireland being a neutral actor allows us to hold a unique position globally. Over the past year, Trump has hosted numerous peace talks and negotiations to end the war - absurdly, without any Ukrainian involvement. It is utterly inconceivable that peace talks about Ukraine may happen without the involvement of Ukraine. What utter nonsense. It is only last week that the first trilateral talks between Ukraine, Russia and the US actually took place. I find it hard to imagine Putin's sincerity in any of these peace talks, because after the talks, the Russian military launched an airstrike on Ukraine, leading to one person being killed and 35 injured. This attack can only be seen as a complete insult to the peace process that they claim to be engaging in.

Trump has strong-armed Ukraine into a disadvantageous mineral deal and openly stated his desires for the natural wealth of nations such as Venezuela and Greenland. It appears that the current US Administration has a greater focus on economic imperialism than peace. Trump's intentions for the future of Ukraine must be questioned. In Gaza, his new so-called Board of Peace has demonstrated his complete disregard for existing international organisations like the UN. His invitation to Putin to be on the Board of Peace is another complete insult to the people of Ukraine. His stipulation fee of $1 billion to join the Board of Peace is more of a billionaire's club interested in land acquisition than any meaningful peacemaking body. The ever-evolving and unpredictable nature of US foreign policy demonstrates why the EU's involvement in future peace talks is essential when it comes to Ukraine. I know attempts have been made by the EU to engage, but it has been very difficult with the US acting as a completely unpredictable interlocutor.

As we have heard already, Ireland has a unique role to play, given our experience in peace making at a high, track-one level, in peace building at a grassroots level, and in political dialogue. However, if we are seen to be undermining our neutrality, it puts that position into question. A few questions have to be asked about what exactly is Ireland's financial exposure under the loan facility. Is the liability capped at all? I believe that Ireland should continue to assist Ukraine through humanitarian aid, diplomatic efforts and peace-building efforts. I welcome this loan facility because without it I recognise that Ukraine simply does not have the ability to raise funds. However, I would like to see Irish funds within this facility being ring-fenced for non-lethal humanitarian aid so that Ireland's neutrality is not quietly being eroded, which we have seen systematically with this Government. It is shocking that the Government has allowed this funding model to move ahead without any consideration for our military neutrality. It would have been easy for the Government to say that the Irish contribution should only be spent on specific things. It is not restricted, ring-fenced funding. It is common practice. We do it all the time. The Government's failure to do this demonstrates its total lack of concern for our position on neutrality. I urge the Government to reconsider the amendments around ring-fencing our funding and our contribution to neutrality.

I rise in support of the amendment before us, which reaffirms Ireland's long-held policy of military neutrality while ensuring that the support we give to Ukraine is humanitarian, civilian and grounded in accountability. Let me be absolutely clear: the invasion of Ukraine in 2022 was an act of aggression driven by expansionist ambition and the suffering endured by the Ukrainian people since then has been immense. They deserve solidarity, compassion and assistance, particularly in the protection of energy systems, hospitals and essential civilian infrastructure that has been relentlessly targeted. However, solidarity does not require that Ireland abandons its own principles and blindly signs anything Brussels sends us. It does not require that we funnel money through EU mechanisms that can be used for military purposes. It certainly does not require that we sign blank cheques into systems where oversight is weak. As I said before, Ukraine's own anti-corruption agencies have acknowledged the scale of corruption within the country's political, defence and procurement sectors. Billions have been miscalculated, misallocated and misappropriated over the past decade. This is not a judgment on the Ukrainian people, who have fought bravely and honourably, but an acknowledgement of the governance reality. When we are to provide large-scale loans with diminished checks and balances, it is only responsible to ask whether these funds will reach the civilians who truly need them. Furthermore, in the middle of the talks of the Russians repaying the loan or how Ukraine needs it for reconstruction, there seems to be an exactly zero serious consideration of what the actual end of this conflict will look like. This should force us to be extra considerate in the nature of our support to a nation at war. The amendment proposed by Senator Murphy does something simple and sensible. It ring-fences Ireland's participation strictly for non-military, humanitarian and civilian purposes. That is consistent with our neutrality and our values. We support Ukraine, but we will not be drawn by stealth or by pressure into EU-level financing of war, either by unelected Brussels bureaucrats or by the cluelessness of our Government. There is nothing stopping member states that wish to provide military loans from doing so independently. Ireland should not compromise its neutrality by participating in an EU vehicle that blurs the line between humanitarian assistance and military financing. This amendment protects our long-standing foreign policy doctrine and respects the fact that the EU was never intended to act as a military alliance by proxy. For those reasons, I support the Sinn Féin amendment and I urge all colleagues in this House to do the same.

I support Sinn Féin's amendment because to me it is clear that we should not support or ratify this loan. We have no guarantees regarding how this loan will be spent or its potential to be spent on military equipment and arms. We have a long-standing history of neutrality. Time and again, every opinion poll has indicated that the Irish public puts immense value on our neutrality. Instead of signing off on loans that could contribute to further military warfare, we should be facilitating peace talks and being a diplomatic presence in the midst of worldwide global instability. We have done our bit for the Ukrainian people and for Ukrainian refugees. Only a few months ago, in December, the Taoiseach gave €125 million to Ukraine for humanitarian support. The Government and the EU have to respect the neutrality of member states. We do not want to support the purchase of arms or weapons. Humanitarian aid is important, but there must be a limit. If the Government is unable to support people with disabilities because of budget constraints, I suggest we have met that limit. I understand there are mechanisms in this loan to prevent corruption but people who are embezzling money rarely stand up and announce it. Ukraine has well-documented corruption, including the recent €100 million embezzlement scandal linked to Zelenskyy's friend and former chief of staff. There is no guarantee for Irish taxpayers as to where or how money is being spent overseas. I cannot support the approval of this loan. The Government is always worried about being the best boys in Europe, but we can still be in the gang with strong leadership that puts Ireland, our citizens and their interests first.

I am standing to give my very strong support to the amendment put forward by Sinn Féin. It is a very necessary amendment and one that is very carefully worded because it makes very clear the condemnation of the illegal invasion of Ukraine, the imperialist ambitions, as well as the breach of international law. It talks about the importance of ongoing support for the people of Ukraine. It is clear that our support is not done; it must continue. It also talks about what is appropriate in terms of that support; the huge need in terms of infrastructure, humanitarian needs and energy costs; the massive damage that has been done to Ukraine; and the support that is needed right across the spectrum of what it takes to have a functioning society and to rebuild a future functioning society. We should be in solidarity with that. The amendment identifies the real concern, which is the fact we are framing it as a loan. We should be very clear, particularly in the context in which it is coming, that it is more likely to be a direct payment in that there is a very conditional set of circumstances in which it may or may not be repaid. That is my main focus and it is important that we frame it as such. Some 60% of that is for military. That is the split.

We are talking about 30% in infrastructure and everything and 60% in military aid. I want to push back. I have come from the foreign affairs committee. There is this narrative that Ireland needs to step up and do our share. Ireland should be incredibly proud of what we have done in the world and what we continue to do in terms of international law and our track record on global disarmament and working for peace across the globe. There is a culture that says we should be ashamed that we have not done more. Along with countries we heard named in the foreign affairs committee like South Africa, Costa Rica and New Zealand, we are one of the few countries in the world everyone in the world is looking to for consistency in international law. That is a place where Ireland can show leadership - which will strengthen Ukraine - and by leading in areas such as defence of the International Criminal Court, on which Europe has been painfully silent in not using the blocking mechanism. The International Criminal Court has issued warrants for Putin in relation to his crimes, and for Netanyahu and others. That is an example where Ireland could lead in Europe and help to move that forward. Ireland can lead in insisting on a European voice in peace talks and reminding people of principles such as Resolution 1325, which is that women and civilians have an important contribution to make in terms of peace, and insisting on that rather than bowing to a hegemonic and top-down narrative on peace we have seen sadly coming from the United States, and the many conversations Mr. Trump has had with Putin.

Ireland can give leadership, and has, in the humanitarian area, in human rights and in the programmes that have been largely cut due to cuts in USAID funding and things like those processes under way at the moment to ensure that we document crimes taking place in order that there is documentation and the capacity to document and hold to future account crimes that may take place.

There is so much we have to contribute. A lot of it is on our international credibility. Part of that international credibility is our status as a trusted, neutral country, which is not passive but active in the idea that we pursue the essence of the UN Charter in terms of the peaceful resolution of disputes that we have in our own constitutional commitment to international law, working for peaceful resolution and the work and record we have on disarmament and the idea that applied. We undermine that credibility when we join coalitions on military expenditure. This is not an EU-wide initiative. Most countries in the EU are engaging in a project that is 60% military expenditure. To be clear, when we say we do not know where it is going, if it is going on military expenditure you are talking about potential loss of life. A specific concern that should be right up there for Ireland is the global ban on cluster munitions, which Ireland helped to negotiate and succeeded in negotiating. A number of our colleague countries in the European Union, like Lithuania, have left the global ban on cluster munitions. Other countries are leaving the global ban on landmines. Ireland has agreed to bankroll €150 billion in loans to our fellow European countries. By the way, €16 billion of that is going to Hungary while we claim this is in our front line against Russian influence. The European Commission has been clear that money can go to cluster munitions. We know there have been horrendous reports of their use in Ukraine by Russia, but also, sadly, of Ukrainian use of cluster munitions. Will some of those billions be used on cluster munitions, weapons which, bear in mind, are landmines from the sky? They hugely and disproportionately impact civilian populations and children. Where is Ireland speaking up on those issues and saying we unfortunately cannot take part in that aspect and we have concerns? We hear nothing except for Ireland saying that countries under pressure are making their own choices. Actually, the idea of being a leading country on things like disarmament, and cluster munitions in particular, was to say there are certain weapons that are unacceptable for anybody to use ever. However, this money may well go there. There are no caveats and safety nets. It is inappropriate that we undermine by saying we are okay with this choice. Once we go down this road, how many other military decisions, and decisions relating to military expenditure and activity may slide through?

We should be aware of this in terms of the attempt to take away the triple lock that is taking place and is being discussed today. How much more will there be when we move into a space where what is proposed is that maybe in a 70- or 60-minute debate in two Houses, we would potentially see the rubber stamping not just of decisions for military expenditure but for military action by Irish forces? That is what is on the menu with the triple lock. I say that in a context where I heard a colleague speak about the Board of Peace. It seemed to take our Taoiseach two days to be clear. He said it must be examined, and we must look at the UN Charter. It is clearly not in line and was clearly not in line at the point when those statements were being made with either the mandate from the Security Council or the UN Charter. We are looking at a "trust us" situation. We will go with who is asking us to join in whichever coalitions may occur, and simply trust them in a short debate going through two Houses without committee debate.

We have not heard discussions on how this money is to be spent. We have not heard examination of issues like cluster munitions. Nobody here is opposing ongoing and far more robust support for Ukraine, including ongoing support for the Ukrainian civilians and citizens who are in Ireland, and those who are seeking humanitarian support. People are concerned about Ireland co-signing a cheque for military expenditure that undermines our ability to contribute to the international debate on peace that is needed and undermines our ability to be impactful when we need to. If Ireland wants to be strong and to step up, we have multiple opportunities to do so. I have mentioned the International Criminal Court and giving leadership on applying international law by delivering the occupied territories Bill. Let us also talk about the fact that Ireland is the main regulator for social media companies which have had a poor record in fostering division, seeking to create negative outcomes for Ukraine and pushing far-right and disruptive narratives right across the European Union, sometimes sponsored by Russia. Ireland is the key regulator there and we are not doing much. I am aware that is a separate day's debate, but I know we have been calling for Ireland to start acting on the recommender systems and algorithms and we have not done so. Instead, we are letting deregulation slip through the back door with the digital omnibus. Again, Ireland can give huge leadership. This is us undermining that leadership by tying ourselves into an unknown proposal and unknown activities, which will affect and erode our credibility.

I thank everybody for their contributions to today's discussion on this motion, which seeks the Seanad's approval for Ireland to exercise the option in accordance with Article 29.4.7 of Bunreacht na hÉireann to participate in enhanced co-operation on the establishment of a loan for Ukraine. I have noted the reactions and comments and hope to respond to some of the key themes raised across the time remaining. I acknowledge that there is a difference of opinion in the House on this proposed loan. The one point I take, which we can all agree on, is the need for continued support for Ukraine, and to stand in solidarity with Ukraine. That requires financial assistance. Ukraine is seeking this financial assistance now, because without it, they are in a much-weakened position as they enter negotiations with Russia.

Of course, everyone's aspiration is that negotiations will be successful and will reach a peaceful conclusion, but withholding this financial assistance at this stage will not do anything to benefit or strengthen Ukraine's hand in these negotiations. We must not lose sight of why we are taking this vote. Ukraine has experienced four years of Russia's illegal aggression against its people and territory. The brutality of Russia's actions has caused immense suffering and loss for the people of Ukraine - large economic and fiscal costs as well as extensive damage to its infrastructure. It is essential that we not forget that Russia, in a fundamental violation of the UN Charter and international law, launched an unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine, a European country and fellow UN member. Ireland supports increasing the pressure on Russia to halt its brutal attacks, agree to a ceasefire and engage seriously in talks with the US and Ukraine, including by building on the sanctions imposed to date.

Despite what some Senators claim, Ireland is not moving away from the institutions of multilateralism and we are continuously engaged in those institutions. Our continued solidarity with and support for Ukraine, alongside our international partners, is essential. They have significant financial needs and urgently require this financial assistance by the second quarter of this year. The proposed loan, using the enhanced co-operation mechanism, is for their immediate needs over 2026 and 2027, and does not even factor in the extensive recovery and reconstruction costs they will face in the future. It is important for us to show our ongoing commitment to and support for Ukraine, giving further substance to the Taoiseach's commitment to provide comprehensive, financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and its people at the December European Council. From today's discussion, it is clear there is widespread support for Ukraine, as I said, and I welcome that.

To those who may disagree with this motion, I note their comments around Irish neutrality but the Government disagrees with their sentiments. This financial support will not just help Ukraine with its defence capabilities but provide help and support continued functioning of the state and its ability to provide basic public services. We have all seen the horrendous pictures of Ukrainians experiencing subzero temperatures following sustained Russian drone attacks on Ukraine's energy infrastructure. Ireland's policy of neutrality means Ireland does not participate in military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements. As the Government has repeatedly underlined, Ireland is militarily neutral but is not politically neutral in the face of Russia's unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. Ireland's support for Ukraine's right to defend itself from Russia's brutal attack on its sovereignty and territorial integrity is in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter and has been outlined in detail by the Government since Russia's invasion of Ukraine. It is critical that Ireland and its EU partners continue to help address Ukraine's urgent financial needs to allow it to exercise its inherent right of self-defence, to support its microfinancial stability and to best position itself during the ongoing peace negotiations. Ireland's support for the proposed loan is entirely consistent with our ongoing position on support to Ukraine, which to date has included political, humanitarian and non-lethal military and economic assistance. It is for that reason I propose rejecting the amendment to the motion put forward by Sinn Féin.

Once again, I thank Senators for their comments and proposed amendments. They reflect the importance of this issue to us all. Ireland has consistently shown its support for Ukraine and will continue to do so. Opting to engage in enhanced co-operation on the loan to Ukraine will not only demonstrate our concern for its urgent financial needs but help to support it on its pathway to membership of the EU. Beyond this, it will also provide vital support for the European economy and security. It is in this context that I urge Senators to support today's motion.