I thank the Minister of State for coming to the House and I thank the Senators for being here. Europe Day is 9 May and in the Seanad we take a particular interest in Europe. We celebrate the national days of all of our European Union partners by inviting their ambassadors and representatives from their embassies to the Seanad to mark their national days in the same way as they mark ours. The Minister of State has often attended our EU scrutiny and transparency committee in the Seanad, which is unique in that it looks at legislation coming out of Europe that is added to by Departments and then signed into law. The scrutiny of this is something identified in various reports of Seanad reform and we have implemented it.

Europe is a shining example of a long-running peace process. Europe played a part in our peace process in the North and is a mechanism for people to come together to discuss their differences. I will mark Europe Day by mentioning John Hume, who was a member of the European Parliament and won the Nobel Peace Prize for his work. He said:

Difference is of the essence of humanity. Difference is an accident of birth and it should therefore never be the source of hatred or conflict. The answer to difference is to respect it. Therein lies a most fundamental principle of peace – respect for diversity.

On this note from John Hume, who served in the European Parliament, I welcome the Minister of State to the House.

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Seanad as ucht an gcuireadh chun labhairt libh inniu. Is mór an onóir dom, mar Aire Stáit agus mar iarSheanadóir, labhairt anseo le Seanadóirí ar ócáid Lá na hEorpa. I am grateful to the Seanad for the opportunity to mark Europe Day in the House. I thank the Members who have ensured that the occasion is observed here, as it will be in Dáil Éireann later today. Tugann sé deis dom machnamh a dhéanamh agus labhairt leis na Seanadóirí go díreach ar an mbomaite trína bhfuil muid ag maireachtáil faoi láthair agus ar na héilimh a chuireann sé ar an Stát agus ar an Oireachtas. Is é sin an méid atá ag baint le Lá na hEorpa: it gives us an invitation to pause and consider, and to ask honestly what our relationship with the EU is, why it matters and what we are prepared to do to strengthen it. It is always important to remember that we are the European Union.

I am very conscious of the findings of the European Movement Ireland island of Ireland poll published this week. The poll found that more than eight in ten people on this island support EU membership. In fact, when we take out those who responded they did not know it is closer to nine out of ten people. This is a remarkable figure, among the highest in the European Union. The same poll, however, also points to a sense of disconnection in other respects, which we have to be mindful of. I have visited communities across Ireland to raise awareness of Ireland's upcoming EU Presidency. I have deeply valued hearing the views of citizens on Ireland's EU Presidency and their thoughts on our EU membership. The European Movement Ireland poll results remind us of the strong mandate we carry on behalf of Irish citizens when it comes to our EU membership. We must continuously engage with Irish citizens on the benefits that our EU membership offers to Irish households and businesses and I encourage every Member of the Oireachtas to take part in this effort.

The Seanad is a Chamber of reflection, scrutiny and considered democratic debate. These qualities are, in my view, precisely the qualities that European democracy needs right now. One of the persistent challenges of European governance, acknowledged by the institutions themselves, can be the distance between the decisions taken in Brussels and Strasbourg and the lives led by citizens in the member states. It is always important to remember this is a democracy and no European law can be passed except by agreement between the European Parliament and the Governments through the Council of Ministers. We had a very good example of that this morning with regard to the AI omnibus regulation. Many Members are aware of this and perhaps fed into it. MEPs from Ireland have worked very hard on this file. It is very good that this democratic process is more alive to citizens than it has ever been.

The Seanad's work on EU affairs plays an important role in the process of bringing Europe to the people. The scrutiny work done here of Commission proposals, the transposition of directives and the work of the Government in transposing those directives, is genuinely valuable. I recognise this and I want to say directly that as Ireland moves into the Presidency of the Council of the European Union, I hope to deepen the engagement between this House and the work of the Irish EU Presidency.

On 1 July, Ireland will take on the Presidency of the Council for eighth time. Our EU Presidency will take place at a moment more complex, more consequential and, in some respects, more turbulent than any of our previous EU Presidencies. Ireland will bring to our EU Presidency a strong commitment to an open, outward-looking and values-based Europe. We will work closely with our European partners to advance competitiveness and simplification, to deepen the Single Market, to strengthen Europe's security and resilience, to support enlargement of the EU and to champion the EU values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. A central priority for Ireland will be the protection of democracy and fundamental rights. Across Europe we are witnessing increasing disinformation, attempts to undermine democratic institutions and efforts to sow division in societies. Democracy cannot be taken for granted. It is not that long in place in this country and we are one of the oldest democracies in the world. Democracy must be actively defended and renewed.

As I already noted, I have been visiting communities across Ireland, meeting local groups, speaking in schools and universities and engaging with business and local media, to talk about our EU Presidency and what EU membership means for Ireland. It is important that the Government communicates Europe to communities not in the language of Council conclusions, legislative dossiers and trilogues but in the language of jobs, which is what the competitiveness agenda is about, supports for farmers, which is what the Common Agricultural Policy is about, opportunities for young people, which is what the Erasmus programme is about, and the infrastructure that connects us to our neighbours and our markets, which is what the Celtic interconnector is about.

This year's Europe Day celebrations include a schools visit programme, pairing Ministers with EU ambassadors. During our EU Presidency term, ambassadors of EU member states in Ireland, accompanied by the Irish ambassador in the relevant EU member state capital, will visit counties across Ireland to undertake a programme of public engagements focused on Ireland's role in the European Union. I was delighted to announce a new initiative, under which each county in the State has been paired with a specific EU member state during our EU Presidency term. This programme of events will strengthen links between counties across Ireland and other EU member states. This engagement matters and the Seanad should be a partner in it.

Communities have a stake in what we do during our EU Presidency. They deserve to know about it, to shape it where they can, and to take pride in it when our EU Presidency succeeds because, ultimately, we are Europe. This is a democracy and it is really important to distinguish the people in a democracy from the democratic institutions themselves. We can vote in and out the people at election time but we should guard the institutions for dear life. The institutions protect us and give voice to our democracy and they are only as good as the people who fill them. We fill these institutions with the people who we elect.

We are marking today a moment of historic promise. Robert Schuman's declaration 76 years ago gave voice to an idea that the nations of Europe could choose co-operation over conflict and that the peace built could be made durable through institutions, law and the patient work of democratic governance. This idea has never been more tested and it has never been more necessary.

We look back to the founding of the European Union and the various founders who brought the European idea together after the war and we see how they were inspired not just by the ideas of peace, friendship and putting weapons beyond any possible use against each other through the European Coal and Steel Community, as they also looked for inspiration to an Irish saint, St. Columbanus. A celebration of the 1,400th anniversary of St. Columbanus was held in Luxeuil in France in 1950. The Irish Government was represented there, along with the founders of the European Union. The future Pope John XXIII was also there as the Papal ambassador to France.

It was at that congress, which was a celebration of the Irish State, that the ideas began to be germinated for the European Union as we now know it - a Union built on peace, as John Hume said - the celebration of difference, and working together for the betterment of citizens. It is really important that we value that. The Irish people certainly do value it. We must accept that it is a democracy and that while we might not agree with everything that the people in it do, we have a choice as to the governments that we elect and the European parliamentarians who we elect. It is very important that we engage with that choice and make sure that we put the people in who will do the work on our behalf.

I will make one final point. Overall, the crop of MEPs that we have now is absolutely excellent. There is a range of different political views, but they are deeply engaged on various files in the European Parliament on various laws. They report back to their constituents. They all appear regularly in the media. That is wonderful because the European Parliament is our representative body and it is so important that our MEPs continue to do that work in order that people can see that they are part of the democracy and they are connected to it, and that the European Union institutions work for them.

I welcome the Minister of State to the House again today. I thank him for being here yesterday evening as well. Europe Day offers this House an opportunity for calm and considered reflection on Ireland's place within the European Union, on what that relationship has delivered for the State and on the responsibility that now rests with us. That reflection is particularly appropriate in 2026 as Ireland prepares to assume the Presidency of the Council of the European Union in July. The Presidency is not ceremonial, it is a position of trust, requiring impartial judgment, and a clear focus on the common European interests at a time of profound geopolitical uncertainty.

The Taoiseach has described Ireland's role during the Presidency as acting as an honest broker, bringing people together, building consensus and ensuring that Europe delivers practical outcomes for its citizens. That approach reflects Ireland's long-standing tradition within the Union - principled, constructive and grounded in respect for institutions, partners and shared values.

It is also work recalling briefly how Ireland arrived at this position. When Ireland joined the European Communities in 1973, followed by the signing of the Treaty of Accession by Fianna Fáil Governments led by Jack Lynch, and endorsed by an overwhelming 83% of the Irish people, we were economically constrained, outward migrating and exposed by narrow external dependencies. Few decisions in the history of the State have been so transformative. Membership did not remove these challenges overnight but it fundamentally altered the course. Participating in the Single Market expanded opportunities, diversified trade and strengthened economic resilience. European investment supported infrastructure, education, regional development and skills, thereby helping Ireland emerge as a modern open economy. That choice was rooted in political foresight. As the then Taoiseach, Seán Lemass, stated in 1962, in the world as it is today, a small nation such as ours has no future outside the framework of a united Europe. More than 60 years later, that judgment continues to stand the test of time.

Our membership has also shaped Irish society in important but sometimes understated ways - strengthening workers' rights, advancing gender equality, improving environmental and consumer protections, and widening access to educational mobility. These gains are now embedded in everyday life and can be overlooked precisely because they have become normal.

More recently, Brexit and the Covid-19 pandemic have brought the value of European co-operation into focus. Brexit represented one of the most serious challenges faced by the State in modern times. As the only EU member state sharing a land border with the United Kingdom, Ireland's position was uniquely exposed. Throughout that process the European Union demonstrated sustained and practical solidarity, protecting the Good Friday Agreement, prioritising peace and stability on this island and ensuring Ireland was never left to negotiate alone.

Covid-19 was a different test but an equally revealing one. Joint procurement of vaccines, a co-ordinated public health response and collective economic recovery measures demonstrated the strength of shared capacity in moments of crisis. These were not abstract but were benefits that directly protected lives and livelihoods in Ireland. Taken together, Brexit and Covid reinforced the central lesson that sovereignty exercised in isolation increases vulnerability while sovereignty exercised through partnership strengthens resilience.

That lesson is especially relevant in the area of peace and security. Ireland's policy of military neutrality remains the core element of our foreign policy identity but neutrality has never meant disengagement from security realities. Today's threats of war on the European Continent, cyberattacks, disinformation, energy insecurity, organised crime and challenges to a rules-based international order do not respect borders or traditional definitions of conflict. Through the European Union, Ireland co-operates on civil protection, cybersecurity, humanitarian assistance, the resilience of critical infrastructure and the defence of international law. The EU's approach to security is not about militarisation, it is about preparedness, co-ordinated in a collective resilience in an increasingly unstable world.

Ireland's own experience of peace on the island underscored the value of that co-operation. As has been mentioned twice so far, John Hume described the European Union as the best example in history of the world of conflict resolution. Shared EU membership created space for dialogue, diminished the Border both physically and psychologically, and supported peace through programmes such as INTERREG, PEACE and PEACEPLUS, which continues to invest significantly in reconciliation and cross-Border co-operation.

The European commitment to peace and security is also evident in the EU's response to Russia's illegal and brutal invasion of Ukraine. This is now the fifth Europe Day marked by a war on our Continent; a war not only against a sovereign state but against the principle that European people should be free to choose democracy and self-determination.

As Ireland approaches the Presidency of the Council of the European Union, these experiences will guide our priorities. The Presidency is a role of stewardship. Ireland will host an extensive programme of meetings across the country, including major summits and ministerial gatherings. We will work to ensure that the Presidency delivers for citizens while safeguarding unity at a time when Europe faces multiple pressures.

Public support for membership of the European Union in Ireland remains strong. Recent polling shows continued high levels of support, alongside a clear message from citizens that concerns around the cost of living, migration, security and trust in institutions must be addressed. That support is encouraging but is not something that we should take for granted. That responsibility extends beyond the institutions, particularly to the younger generations. Many of Ireland's young people have known only the benefits of EU membership such as freedom of movement, educational opportunities, consumer protections and peace as the norm. None of these outcomes were inevitable and none are guaranteed. They exist because previous generations made deliberate political choices to co-operate rather than withdraw, to share sovereignty rather than to surrender influence and to invest in the institutions rather than to abandon them. The real danger today is not opposition to Europe but complacency about it.

Europe Day is not simply an act of remembrance. It is a reminder that progress is neither automatic nor inevitable and that benefits bring with them obligations. As Ireland takes on the Presidency of the Council of the European Union, we do so with the same confidence and purpose with which we brought this State into Europe over 50 years ago, determined to lead, to safeguard peace and stability and to serve the shared European interests. That approach reflects Ireland's past, serves its present and safeguards its future.

I wish to share time with Senator Joe Conway. We will take six minutes and four minutes respectively.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I am pleased to be speaking on Europe Day today, which is technically not until Saturday, but it is something I am glad we are marking in this Chamber. While I am sure everyone has different opinions on the specifics of what the European Union is doing right or wrong - I certainly have plenty - I think I speak for all when I say that the European project is ultimately a good thing.

To bring the nations of our Continent together in co-ordination and co-operation in order to ensure lasting peace, mutual prosperity and even our own independence and security; all of this is a worthy goal. Even if we were totally disbanded in the morning, we would have to reassemble the EU tomorrow evening. Trucks would still need to be shipped from Warsaw to Madrid. Transfers would still be made from Sofia to Dublin and some supranational European body would have to exist to organise and oversee all of that. That is what Robert Schuman first saw when he made his declaration in 1950.

In the spirit of Europe Day, I have some criticisms of the current situation, direction and state of the EU because what is more European than to constructively criticise something in order to make it better? We debated the International Protection Bill and the migration pact in this Chamber a few weeks ago. I, and several of my colleagues, raised the point that we are seeing an alarming level of centralisation and competence-creep coming out of Brussels these days. We see alarmingly little being done by our own or other European national governments to counter this. This is underpinned in turn by a certain argument that more EU centralisation is better and because we are in a more unstable world where big powers like India, China or Russia are on the rise, the only chance we have is to federalise Europe. This is very simplistic thinking. If more centralised power is always unquestionably better, then North Korea would be paradise and the Soviet Union would have won the Cold War.

On top of this, we are really seeing a worrying calibre of leadership being put in charge of this increasingly centralised Europe. It would be one thing if our national power was being eroded but was in turn being taken over by the unquestionably best of the best of our Continent. Instead, if we look at the EU's top three positions, there are former ministers and prime ministers whose parties have collapsed in popularity among their own people and who all have made an exit from politics due to scandals. As Commission Vice President and High Representative of the EU foreign service, former Estonian Prime Minister, Kaja Kallas, was effectively forced out of the latter role by a scandal involving her husband's business ties to Russia and a loan she reportedly made to her husband's business while Prime Minister. President of the European Council and former Portuguese Prime Minister António Costa had to resign due to corruption scandals in his party, not least including the alleged involvement of his chief of staff in nepotism concessions over lithium mines and data centres. Last but not least, we have the Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who left her previous role as Germany's defence minister amidst a raft of scandals that included overpaid consultants, improper procurement, ministry phones that had been wiped before investigators could access them and a military that had been left in tatters. To be frank, we have not seen much different now that she is in the Commission, where she is alleged to have organised our €35 billion Covid vaccination procurement deal over text messages with the Pfizer CEO, has refused to be questioned by the European Parliament and will not show the text messages, despite the EU court ruling against her.

I get that scandals happen in politics, but three out of three of the EU's top leadership shows a pattern and a worrying one at that. In light of all this, we cannot simply shrug our shoulders. The European Union is not some distant or uncomfortable force. It is a political system in which Ireland has both a voice and a vote. We have the means, through this House and our Government, to demand higher standards, greater transparency and stronger accountability at the very top of the EU institutions. If the EU project is to keep the trust of its citizens, it must respect the balance between Brussels and the nation states. It must be led by people with full openness to scrutiny. Therefore, I call on everyone to engage in a greater debate over how we can better structure the EU with more respect for national governments. I call on the Government to use every avenue available to us to push for reform, strengthen oversight and insist that leadership within the EU is held to the highest possible standard and a better EU can be established because that is what the European project deserves. That is what our citizens deserve. I wish the Minister of State well over the next six months as he takes on the role here in Ireland.

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Seanadóir Keogan as ucht a bheith fial flaithiúil agus an t-am a thabhairt dom chun cúpla focal a rá faoin gceist seo. Tá muid ag ceiliúradh ós rud é go bhfuil ár mballraíocht den Aontas Eorpach ag dul ar aghaidh anois le níos mó ná 50 bliain. Is fíor a rá go bhfuil muid go léir, beagnach, sa Seomra seo bródúil as sin. I do not really have all that much to add to what has been said already but I notice that Robert Schuman is getting a great airing today. It is probably no harm to mention some of the other founding fathers, such as Altiero Spinelli from Italy, Konrad Adenauer and many others who came together in a very enlightened way after the horrors of the Second World War to give us an economic community at the time, which latterly spread out into the European Union.

I absolutely accept what Senator Keogan has said. The European Union is not without its faults but it is an amazing organisation. I will say from my very humble position as a Senator to the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, the Government and all who are making this amazing Presidency a reality for us, that I wish they are crowned with great success and they bring a very positive focus to our country for the six months from July to Christmas. That is shared widely around the Chamber and in the Lower House also.

I welcome our erstwhile colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Buttimer, to the Chamber for the umpteenth time. This is a very special day for all of us to commemorate the fact we are proud members of the European Union. There are also regrets. We are coming up to the tenth anniversary of what is probably the greatest reverse the European Union has ever suffered, which was the cataclysmic decision by the people of the UK, in their own sovereign goodwill and opinion, to remove themselves from the European Union. Unfortunately, it has left us with the singularly difficult problem of a country that has a border which is fronted on one side by a country that is outside of the EU and ourselves inside. The Government of Britain and the European Union have come together manfully - if that is not politically incorrect in this day and age - and resolutely to see through and see off the difficulties to a great extent. I am delighted with that. It is very fitting that we mark the occasion on this day. It remains for me to say that I am happy to accord with the views and wishes of the House in congratulating our membership and wishing the project well in the future.

Before I call the next Senator, I welcome Rose Gargan. She is most welcome to Seanad Éireann and I thank her for coming here today.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I cite two challenges for Europe. There is an obvious challenge with the war of aggression from Russia to Ukraine and the problems on our eastern flank. It presents problems for Europe, and it presents fundamental questions for Ireland. We are a neutral country. We are proud of that neutrality and want to maintain it. We have to use our moral force as a neutral country to achieve peace and proper values, etc. There is no escaping that we will have to be part of peacekeeping forces. We will have to be part of an effort to prevent cybercrime. We will have to be part of the solution and the maintenance of a strong Europe, not in the military sense but in the sense of being peacekeepers, supporters and being active in and working and collaborating to avoid cybercrime. The challenge on the eastern flank is unavoidable and needs to be addressed on Europe Day. The Minister of State might address it in his response.

The other challenge is the Chinese economy and the growing strength of China. There is nothing inherently wrong with China growing economically. We can work with that, but we have to insist on human rights in China and on proper non-exploitative labour practices and try to assist to achieve values in that sense as a trading partner. We can be in no way complicit in supporting, even if it has a short-term gain in terms of the consumer price index, products that are based on human exploitation and slavery or a modern day version of it. That is a second challenge that needs addressing or talking about on Europe Day.

We should celebrate Europe Day. The Eurobarometer indicates that Ireland is a pro-European society. We look forward excitedly to our Presidency and I am sure the Minister of State will comment at the end on how we visualise that Presidency, our vision for Europe and what change we might try to effect. That is an exciting vista. Europe is great for us. It is good to be part of it. We cannot live in isolation from the world. We need to be part of that while maintaining our identity and important culture. It is good for us economically, socially and in every way, but we have to face two big challenges. There is the existential threat presented on the eastern flank and the rise of China. I would be interested in the Minister of State's response.

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire Stáit, an Teachta Buttimer, agus cuirim fáilte roimhe. As we mark Europe Day it is important that we focus on the values that continue to bind us together as Europeans, which are democracy, co-operation and our continued respect for one another. As has been outlined, Europe is facing many challenges such as the continued rise of populism and the far right, attacks on our democracy and the constant threat of war. As we know, Ireland has benefited massively from its membership of the European Union through developing our infrastructure, through Erasmus programmes and CAP. The benefits of our membership have been endless. As a country that has seen the benefit of EU membership I believe we need to continue to advocate for enlargement of the Union and support our colleagues who wish to become contributing members of the Union. The EU was founded initially as a peace project and I believe enlargement can serve as a valuable security measure since every grey area left by the EU is far more susceptible to Russian influence, as my colleague Senator O'Reilly has outlined, which may pose a threat to Europe in the future. Now more than ever it is important that we stand united. Fragmentation plays into the hands of the enemies of democracy. We cannot allow Europe to be weakened by polarisation and erosion of our shared values, particularly at a time when we cannot rely on our allies in the US as we have done in the past. Support for Ukraine is an essential part of this as it embodies European values and, in a sense, defends Europe. After all, while Russia is focused on the war with Ukraine it cannot fully threaten other European countries militarily. It is important to understand that the eastern front is interconnected and if Kyiv falls, any neighbouring country could be next.

It is important to understand that democracy is what unites us all. It is our defining characteristic which we must nurture and defend. We cannot allow our shared institutions to be exploited. Our primary task is to neutralise the threats of disinformation and hybrid warfare, for social division will be followed by political division, leaving us vulnerable to a potential military threat from the east.

As Ireland prepares to host the Presidency of the Council of the European Union we have a valuable opportunity to help shape these conversations on the future of Europe. We can play a constructive role in promoting unity and supporting democratic values, while ensuring that the European Union remains focused on the needs of its citizens. It is important that we work to strengthen public engagement with Europe. I also note the EMI poll published yesterday, to which the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne referred. While it is great to see that Irish public opinion is still largely in favour of the European Union, 37% of people feel their views are not reflected at European level, while a further 25% feel that they are unsure as to whether or not they are being represented properly at European level. It is incumbent on us as politicians to fix this. We need to make sure that people feel included and can see the benefits of Europe to us.

Europe Day reminds us that the European Union is ultimately about people. It is about peace, opportunity, stability and shared progress. At a time when division and misinformation are becoming more common, these values need to be defended now more than ever. I hope we can play a leading role in this during our Presidency in the latter half of the year.

I thank the Minister of State for coming in. I appreciate it. It is disappointing that yesterday the Minister for foreign affairs and today the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs seemed to disappear after the first two or three contributions.

There are also statements in the Dáil Chamber.

Yes, but it is not the first time. I am saying it is a pattern. That is no slight on the Minister of State.

I know.

I appreciate him taking the time to come in. There is a pattern, however, and I take this opportunity to flag that.

I thank the Minister of State, who also came to the Chamber this morning to reply to all the Commencement matters.

He absolutely did.

The issue was that many of them did not relate to his Department. I understand that. I know that the Government Chief Whip has been working on making sure that Commencement matters are replied to by the relevant Minister in all cases. That issue was raised again today at the Committee on Parliamentary Privileges and Oversight. We will again be writing on that topic because it is important that the relevant Minister comes to the House. There was a debate earlier in the week where specific questions were being asked. The Minister who comes before the House should be from the relevant Department in order that he or she can reply on behalf of that Department. However, I thank the Minister of State for being here.

I absolutely acknowledge that. I appreciate the Minister of State making the effort. He was here early this morning. What I am saying is not intended as a slight on him. It is just a pattern that needs to be addressed.

On the EMI EU poll, Senator Lynch, who is a supporter of the European concept, highlighted some worrying trends. Along with the worrying figures that the Senator pointed out, the number of people who say that the EU is heading in the right direction has fallen from 58% in 2023 to 45% this year, with migration, economic and regulatory issues, federalism and national sovereignty among the top concerns. Roughly one third of those expressing concerns cited the EU's response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine and to the Middle East conflict. That is obviously worrying. There are a lot of worrying figures in the poll. A hard look needs to be taken at the direction the EU is travelling in, because it seems to be travelling in a different direction from that in which the public wants to travel and in which it wants the EU to travel.

One example of that trend in practice is the EU association agreement that will facilitate trade with Israel. Over recent weeks, I have heard the Government say that it is looking for the EU association agreement to be suspended. Will the Minister of State outline why the Government wants that? I presume it is because it wants to see some consequences regarding Israel's genocide in Gaza and the destruction of international law and order in which Israel is engaging. The Government is looking to suspend that association agreement. Is that the only way it can make Israel face consequences for its war crimes and for the starvation of Palestinians in Gaza? There are other ways. The occupied territories Bill is one way the Government could hold Israel to account and ensure that it faces consequences. However, that legislation seems to have gone on forever. There was a commitment just before the most recent election and then it was again given to the legal team, who seem to be able to hold it up forever.

That is not the only way to hold Israel to account. Another way would be to stop the game between Ireland and Israel and ensure that Israel is not facilitated in the sportswashing of its genocide. When Russia invaded Ukraine, there were boycotts and bans against playing international matches. However, the Irish Government is going to welcome the Israeli team here with open arms. It seems to have no concerns about doing so. The Irish Government seems to be saying that responsibility lies with the FAI, when we all know that the FAI cannot make that decision on its own. If there were to be a ban and the FAI decided not to play the games against Israel, it would have to run that decision by the Government. Everybody knows that. The Government is, in some ways, looking to throw the FAI under the bus. The FAI does not have the backbone. James McClean, the Irish football legend, came out today and said that the Irish Government has no backbone. The FAI has no backbone. When you see what is happening in Gaza and the West Bank, and the ongoing treatment of Palestinians, it is hard to understand how the president of the FAI could sanction a game with Israel and consider going ahead with it.

Palestinian footballers have been murdered by Israel. Some of those involved in murdering them could be part of the playing team or the support staff or they could be supporters attending the match. I have asked multiple times whether there is going to be any security screening of those participating in the game against Ireland on 4 October. Will there be any screening? Muhammad Khalifa came to Ireland when he was only a young fellow and played football against many clubs and with many clubs in Ireland. He travelled around the country playing football. He was murdered last year by Israel. It is not beyond the bounds of possibility that the child's murderer could be in the team or could be one of the supporters who come here to support Israel in the match against Ireland at the Aviva Stadium. Are people who were involved in genocide when serving in the Israeli occupying forces going to be able to come here and support their team without any security screening even though they have been complicit in genocide? Is the Government going to take any measures at all to ensure that genocide participants are held to account?

When Russia invaded Ukraine, Poland refused to play Russia. There were no consequences for the Polish Football Association. When Ireland goes to play Israel, there will be no consequences for a team that has committed genocide. It is not right that the Government seems to be washing its hands of the decision in that regard. The FAI is ignoring Irish football. Irish Sport for Palestine issued a letter yesterday, signed by multiple current and former players, including Sophie Quinn, Brendan Clarke and Pico Lopez. It was signed by many great Irish footballers who are looking for the game to be stopped. We have to stop the game. The Government must intervene. It cannot just keep its head in the sand and pretend it has not instructed the FAI to play the game. The FAI would not play the game unless it were given the green light to do so by the Government. We need to ensure that we get answers to questions about how the Israeli team, players, supporters and support team will be security screened. It would be unforgivable if the Government were to allow Israelis to come and go as they wish and to sportswash the matter by means of this particular game.

Contrast that with the actions of Spanish Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez. He is showing real leadership. The Irish Government needs to show real leadership and stop the game.

We have heard a lot of callbacks to John Hume. He was a proud European social democrat and talked about the European project being the greatest peace project, which it was, along with the Council of Europe, in the post-war period. I am happy to hear about European Movement Ireland's positive figures. I think the Minister of State said close to nine out of ten people on the island of Ireland support Ireland's membership of the EU and see the positive things that come out of it. However, the failure of the European Union to act in any collective way in light of the ongoing genocide in Gaza and the apartheid state in the West Bank has put serious question marks over the European Union's commitment to international law and human rights for everybody and its ability to deal with issues of peacebuilding beyond its borders. It feels like a real black mark that it has not been willing to take action. Ireland has made interventions and Spain has been one of the really strong voices but across the board we have not been willing as European Union member states to take collective action.

Europe Day is a good time to reflect on one of the most successful peace projects in history. The Schuman Declaration was declared for peace, integration and co-operation, announcing that economic co-operation and dependence are the glue that binds us and keeps us from descending into war. Shortly after this, the European Convention on Human Rights, ECHR, was signed, laying out the inviolable human rights no European state was permitted to breach. The EU was founded on the values of human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, rule of law and respect for human rights. Today, these absolute and fundamental rights instead of being non-negotiable and a baseline for informing EU policymaking appear to have become optional. I note the Minister of State spoke about the protection of fundamental rights and how important that is. I welcome those comments. However, we have seen actions waver in Ireland with regard to the concepts of fundamental human rights and protections. Ireland has historically been a champion of the universality of human rights, but in the past few months we saw a worrying and insidious shift away from that.

I reference Ireland's willingness to deviate from its commitment to the concept of the universality of human rights when the Minister for justice signed Ireland up to the political declaration to effectively revise standards on non-conditional rights under Article 3 of the ECHR. That Article relates to degrading and inhumane treatment and torture. That we would seek to revise those standards sets a deeply problematic precedent from this Government. I have tried on two separate occasions to put this question to the Minister for foreign affairs during Commencement matters and to hear directly from the Department about Ireland's position in relation to the ECHR. Unfortunately, the Minister was not able to come to the Chamber either time. I had hoped to have the opportunity today to raise it with the Department. This is no reflection on the Minister of State, Deputy Buttimer. We are grateful that he has systematically come for things outside his brief. I respect that he spent two terms in the Seanad and understands how important it is for us, but it is disappointing not to have had that chance to day.

Ireland is seeking to take a seat on the UN Human Rights Council later this year, while at the same time exploring ways to lower principles on universal standards of human rights when it comes to degrading treatment and torture. That is obscene and ridiculous. I wonder why Ireland is seeking to chip away at the strong and coherent systems we have on human rights at a time when human rights and multilateralism are being eroded. We constantly hear rhetoric from this Government about how international law is so important and crucial, yet the actions we are seeing undermine the frameworks of those human rights standards. Signing up to attempts to remove the concept of universality of human rights is a horrifying trend.

We have the opportunity with the EU Presidency to make our commitments to international law and human rights the focus of the EU's agenda at a time when that is slipping. Will the Department commit to that today? I have only heard vague references to values on the agenda for the Presidency. I have not specifically heard about international law and human rights. Values can be open to interpretation. We have seen a clear shift in EU policymaking. Competitiveness is the phrase of the day. It is being operationalised to narrow corporate obligations on human rights and the environment with weaker accountability mechanisms. For Ireland's Presidency, the Government has chosen to use the language of competitiveness in its aims and ambitions which is a synonym for deregulation in Europe. We have seen human rights and environmental protections framed as obstacles in Europe to be overcome and framed as inefficiencies and red tape. However, regulation is there to protect people and the planet. I think the Minister of State said we are Europe and the institutions protect us. I 100% agree with that sentiment but then why are we trying to strip back the regulations in place to protect us as Europeans, and to protect the institutions and the planet? Regulations are there to ensure rights are non-negotiable.

I am disappointed the Government is parroting the Commission's language on competitiveness. It always makes me wonder - who are we competing against? Is it a race to the bottom on human rights and environmental standards with China? Is that our aim? We heard from other Senators about the importance of holding third countries like China to account for their human rights standards. Who are we competing against? What is the competitiveness for? What standards are we hoping to lower to make ourselves more competitive and with whom? I hope it is not China. That is not a race I want us to participate in when we know about the labour abuses and exploitation in China.

We heard from the Taoiseach in Washington DC this year that the Government is committed to innovation over regulation, a statement he made a few short weeks after we were all reeling from the Grok deepfake scandal. The EU's upcoming omnibus packages will see digital protections further weakened. We need a commitment from this Government to use the EU Presidency as a time to halt this process. We heard from the Minister of State responsible for AI a few months ago in the Chamber that she is not interested in halting this process. This will make protections for children online worse. That is what the digital omnibus will do. It will strip back hard-won rights and make us all less safe online. Given everything that has happened with Grok, I cannot believe we will support this.

I was similarly appalled by the vote on the Omnibus I package last November on removing hard-won rights under the corporate sustainability due diligence directive. It was effectively completely torn up. The omnibus was voted through. Notably, for the first time in history, the EPP, of which Fine Gael MEPs are members, voted with the far right, a commitment which has historically been a red line for the European Parliament. It is very disappointing. I would like to know what the Government is going to do, if anything, during the Presidency to slow down the tide of the nine more omnibus packages coming down the line from the Commission. These omnibus packages, let there be no doubt, are about reducing hard-won regulations to protect European citizens.

In recent years in Brussels, new channels have been put in place that privilege corporate access to EU policymaking and the icing out of civil society from any meaningful participation. This is a bad shift particularly when healthy civil society engagement is a core pillar of a well-functioning democracy. It is a pillar of good democracy. In our overseas aid work, we expect third countries we work with to have good civil society engagement and dialogue with their policymakers, yet we see that being weakened in Europe. What is Ireland going to do under the EU Presidency to uphold the role of civil society within this context? Corporate influence is being formalised, civil society engagement is being sidelined and we are seeing a slash-and-burn approach to human rights regulations originally designed to protect us as citizens.

Disappointingly, the concerns I have outlined are not remotely reflected in the Government analysis of where we stand with Europe. The Minister of State spoke about Europe never being more tested and never being more necessary. I agree. I am a proud European but the challenge in Europe now is that so many hard-won gains are being removed with little democratic process. We heard from other Senators about all of the good things Europe has brought us. That includes safety standards around chemicals, financial security processes, human rights and protections on the environment - all transformative for who we are as citizens in Europe. Irish citizens and every other European citizen have received those benefits. The current trajectory coming from the Commission is deregulation, slash and burn and removing those hard-won rights. When we say that we are Europe, we should be horrified by that. This is a genuinely worrying trend.

When we consider future generations, what it means to be European and all the good things about Europe, we note that the current trajectory and trend of the Commission are at odds with them. They are at odds with the values of human rights, the rule of law and democracy.

I have been particularly concerned about how civil society metrics across many member states are declining. The engagement of civil society is declining and, as I have said before, that engagement is a core pillar of a well-functioning, healthy democracy. We need to explore how we can champion it going forward.

In a way, the previous speaker has said everything and covered the matter in great detail. I hope that, with Ireland's Presidency this year, we will have real, detailed discussions that go past the simplified frames we sometimes hear about, such as the one about us all being proud Europeans. We are all proud Europeans and Ireland is proudly European, as citizen polls show. What needs to be considered, however, is that a majority of those citizens who support Europe and want to be part of it believe it is moving in the wrong direction and a third believe it is not upholding its core values. Some of the hardest information you get comes from those who really care about you, including your friends. In this regard, the citizens of Ireland who are supportive of the EU are sending a really clear signal that needs to be listened to, namely, that they are very worried about the direction of travel and the question of core values being upheld.

On the circumstances of Ireland going into this Presidency, it is not like in other countries, where they have to communicate why they should be part of the EU. There is no public communications issue here; rather, there is a genuine message that needs to be brought back into the European institutions and leadership by Ireland needs to be provided to help Europe to correct its direction and rediscover and reassert its core values.

I was very proud to have been part of the Future of Europe process. That process was almost a moment when we felt we had had a curve of learning. We had a decade of austerity and many of its major architects have admitted it was wrong. Individual members of the troika have come out and said there were mistakes made. We came almost as close as you could get to mea culpas .

When we hear about competitiveness, the framing is important. Europe has not been losing its comparative advantage because of its regulations. It has been losing out because the ten-year vision we had for smart, sustainable, inclusive growth was put aside in favour of short-term quarterly fiscal targets. We lost a decade of public investment in the green transformation, digital progress and our own digital technologies. The rest of the world, which responded to the recession by increasing investment, got a head start at that point. Regulation was not the problem. It was stepping back from public engagement and public investment that created the gap.

The actual comparative advantage is that the EU, with its very large market, creates standards that companies in it are meeting and can meet. Right now, Europe has the comparative advantage of having policies, regulations and standards that reflect the reality of the existence of climate change and of living in a diverse world. We are looking to others who are, frankly, setting fire to their scientific and economic progress because they are trying to harken back to a fantasy version of the 1950s. They are literally trying to remove some of the advantages rather than lean into these areas. These are our strengths on a practical level.

I was one of four parliamentarians from Ireland in the Future of Europe process. Eight hundred citizens from right across Europe, including Ireland, came together for many months and, in outlining what they valued about Europe, made it clear time and again that they valued exactly what Senators across this House have spoken about, namely, gender equality, workers' rights, environmental standards and health and safety protections. These are the facets that made them proud to be European. Citizens from across Europe were willing to give up time and travel to Strasbourg on multiple occasions to talk about the future of Europe because they were proud of what Europe had done regarding rights and standards.

Right now, we have a European Commission that is not only making very poor choices for the future but also effectively is setting fire to the past. There are nine omnibus Bills, each one of which removes an entire set of protections and standards that have been hard won. On the due diligence directive, I went back and forth for years with the current Minister for Social Protection, Deputy Calleary, developing the idea that supply chains of the very largest companies would have basic accountability and would not involve the likes of child labour and slavery. The corporate sustainability reporting directive was about the very largest companies acting on climate change. These measures got gutted in a three-month process through an omnibus Bill. Now we have the digital omnibus, which will dilute our GDPR protections. There are seven or eight more omnibus Bills, targeting every area from the environment to, potentially, workers' rights. We are at a moment where we are at risk not just of travelling in the wrong direction but also of digging up the road that got Europe to the point it is at now.

I have very specific questions. Time and again, specific questions will arise. During its Presidency, Ireland will have the chance to do some very meaningful things such as, for example, standing up for the LIFE programme, which relates to the climate and biodiversity. This is the programme that supports farmers right across the country, who are trying to do the right thing on climate change. The aim is to have the funding ring-fenced rather than absorbed into a competitiveness fund where it is competing against drones and everything else.

There is going to be debate on the digital omnibus. Will we actually be standing up for greater protections or will we be contributing to the dilution? Questions on workers' rights are going to be considered during the period of the Presidency, including in respect of the pay transparency directive, which Ireland has one month to transpose and that still has not really been properly transposed, as far as I can see. The EU scrutiny committee, which was mentioned by the Cathaoirleach, will have a role. That is a committee that the Seanad has formed with a view to giving a sense of accountability in relation to EU legislation that is coming through. We do not want it to be a kind of accountability wash. Talking about that committee's work needs to be matched by genuine engagement by Departments and genuine, timely engagement on the statutory instruments.

Values have been mentioned as key. If values are going to be a theme, international law needs to be included. We hear the phrase "values and interests". I feel like I am hearing it more often. It almost suggests we will talk about values and then have a chat about interests. I emphasise that while interests are important, they need to sit within values.

If we are serious about values, then they should obtain and we should pursue our interests within the frame of those values. We cannot balance one off against the other.

Our colleagues in Europe need to engage in a very difficult, serious and challenging discussion on international law. I would like to hear some comment on that matter. Ireland should consider international law, Europe's role in that regard and the need for seriousness in respect of it. In the case of Ireland, that means passing the occupied territories Bill. We are crystal clear about the obligation on all states to prevent trade or investment relations that contribute to the maintenance of the illegal situation in the occupied Palestinian territories. That is what the International Court of Justice has told us. Will what is needed in this regard include the blocking mechanism that Spain has called for to protect the justices of the International Criminal Court who have been targeted by the US and cut off by Microsoft? Will Ireland take leadership in relation to international law as opposed to paying lip service to it? Will we be challenging countries, including large partners such as Germany, that are standing in the way of international law at this time? I would like to ask explicitly if there will be a focus on international law under the values theme as part of the Presidency.

We have to call on the Minister of State to reply at 2.37 p.m. I will allow Senator Conway in. He has about six minutes.

I take this opportunity to welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, who was here earlier. I listened to his contribution. He is a person I admire because he has moral courage and speaks out. I have been following him over the past 12 months, and he does speak out on important issues. That is something wanted to put on the record.

When people voted to retain the Seanad in 2013, one of the key selling points was that we would have a greater role in scrutinising EU directives. On foot of his dogged determination a few years ago, the Cathaoirleach ensured that the EU scrutiny committee approved by Cabinet and established. I was very honoured to chair that committee during the lifetime of the previous Oireachtas. The Cathaoirleach is continuing that good work in terms of chairing of the EU scrutiny committee now. He and Senator Higgins will recall that some Departments were very co-operative and that others were not so co-operative. The objective was that all Departments would be co-operative and that we would conduct scrutiny. Some directives were technical in nature and would not necessarily need to be scrutinised, but others needed significant scrutiny by the sectoral committees. Essentially, that is the job; it is a kind of signposting exercise. It is like air traffic control to a large extent in that measures are sent to the committee for scrutiny. The aim was that all directives would be dealt with and transposed before we took over the EU Presidency. Let us see if that happens; I sincerely hope it does.

The role the Seanad has in terms of bridging the democratic deficit between Europe and the Irish people is significant and should really be utilised an awful lot more. It is great that MEPs come in here and they are always very welcome. That engagement started in the last Seanad and has developed into something very useful. I sincerely hope the scrutiny committee goes from strength to strength.

Our Presidency of the European Union, which begins on 1 July next, will be crucial. It represents a huge opportunity for Ireland to make a statement on certain issues. In my capacity as chair of the committee of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights on political involvement of persons with disabilities, which is made up of experts from various OSCE countries, I addressed the European Parliament on persons with disabilities in 2024. There was great optimism at that time that we were on the cusp of something significant Europe-wide in terms of equality of persons with disabilities in employment, transport, independent living and so on. Unfortunately, that has not materialised to the degree that it should have or with the speed that we would have hoped. People might be quite taken aback to know that Ireland is one of the better performers when it comes to the categories to which I refer, but not when it comes to employment. Unfortunately, we are still dealing with 80%-plus of people with disabilities requiring some sort of State supports, which is not really acceptable.

The political participation of people with disabilities, a matter in respect of which my expert panel is tasked with coming up with processes, recommendations and so on, is even worse. We had a meeting of the expert panel in the Houses of the Oireachtas in November 2024, when people came from all over the OSCE countries. We produced the Dublin declaration, a set of recommendations on increasing the political participation of persons with disabilities. However, the level of participation is way below 1%. Only 0.02% of parliamentarians in Europe, whether they are in the European Parliament or in national parliaments, are person with disabilities. In most parliaments, there are none. In this Parliament, there are two with declared disabilities, which is wonderful. In others, there are none. There is a huge job of work to do to create an environment where 10% of the population feel that there are people who identify with them are representing them in various parliaments. I sincerely hope that one of the priorities we embrace will be to create the type of environment that will allow persons with disabilities throughout Europe to feel they can participate in the political process. Our Presidency can be a cockpit for driving that type of initiative.

It would be remiss of me not to pay tribute to our colleague Senator Joe O'Reilly, who is the longest-serving member of the Assembly of the Council of Europe, for the great work he has done over decades in terms of engaging on behalf of both our country and Europe on very important issues. I wish him well in his endeavours in that role going forward.

How do I follow that commendation of Senator O'Reilly? I genuinely thank him for his work. Is cúis bhróid é a bheith i láthair na Seanadóirí. Gabhaim míle buíochas le gach Ball a ghlac páirt sa díospóireacht an-tábhachtach seo ar Lá na hEorpa. Tá an Rialtas agus go mórmhór an tAire Stáit, an Teachta Byrne, ag aontú go bhfuil sé ag obair, go cothrom le gach ballstát eile, as ucht méadú na hEorpa.

In congratulating every Member of the House who spoke today, I am conscious, as Senator Conway said, that we are ten years on from Brexit, which reshaped the European project and gave rise to the single biggest challenge we face. The debate we have had this afternoon has brought forward myriad perspectives on values, security, the European Union's relationship with its citizens and with us, as a country. We have a responsibility, as we approach the Presidency in July, to ensure that this debate today, which is a reflection of all of us who have contributed being pro-European, recognises that we have a journey to continue.

To Senator Stephenson, I say that, for me, human rights and multilateralism are quintessentially very important parts of our foreign affairs policy now and will be in the future. I was in China for St. Patrick's Day. I never demurred from raising the issue of human rights. At the same time, multilateralism is very important. We must always engage in it. The world is better because of it. One of the criticisms of Europe is that it is over-democratised at one level. The important point for us is there is a breadth of accountability and engagement across the European family, in particular the Houses of the Oireachtas, which shows that we are deeply committed to the European project.

We could be navel-gazing forever about where Europe is going.

What we have to do, and what we have done very successfully here this afternoon, is to articulate what Europe stands for - what it should, did and continues to represent for all of its citizens, encapsulating the daily concerns of citizens but also posing that question about the gap between Brussels and the communities. I hope that gap does not grow but, rather, narrows. In the European Movement Ireland poll, which we saw this week, 45% believe Europe is going the right way while 35% feel they are only being adequately represented at European level. I heard what Senators Lynch and Andrews had to say in that regard. What we need to continue to do here is what Senator Lynch does, which is to continue that representation at European level, to be that voice and that advocate, to bring it back to ordinary, everyday life events for people in terms of how it works.

Europe does matter. It has had a tangible benefit. I am not quite as old as Senator O'Reilly. I do not necessarily remember pre-Europe Ireland but I remember we had the begging bowl out. As Europeans we were very much beholden to Europe to develop and, in particular, to advance our capital infrastructure. I think Senator Stephenson mentioned the safety thing. Due to Europe we now have very strong safety guidelines, which are welcome. As Members of the Oireachtas, we do have a responsibility. Our voices do matter. We are leaders in this House and in the Lower House, and it is by our actions and words that we bring people with us. If we choose to be negative about Europe and to propagate misinformation and falsehoods, that has a serious implication. I commend the Members present in the Chamber on their work in their roles. I know the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, and previous Ministers with responsibility for Europe have taken their role very seriously in building that connection between Europe, the decisions we make and the lives of people.

Senator Lynch spoke about the values and the collaboration piece. Again, that is critically important. Our Presidency will place the defence of EU values, democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights at the centre of its work because without these we are talking about window dressing. These are core values we have as a foundation. If Europe loses that stream of values, then it is nothing; it has lost its meaning, going back to Schuman and what the European movement was founded from.

I know the Cathaoirleach chairs the Seanad Select Committee on EU Scrutiny and Transparency and that is an example of where we can see a further connection between the Houses of the Oireachtas, working with the Chair of the Joint Committee on European Affairs, Deputy Barry Ward, and the foreign affairs committee. That public conversation needs to continue on Europe and what benefits it can bring, but also as a forum for deliberate engagement. EU scrutiny is important. As I said earlier, that depth of debate we bring to European questions is and can only be positive to all of us.

The Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, has indicated his commitment to deepening engagement with the House during the Presidency. From a Government perspective that commitment is real. As we take the chair of the Council, the work of both Houses of the Oireachtas will matter, in scrutinising the programme and holding the Government to account but also in giving voice to the concerns of citizens that formal EU processes do not always reach. It is also important that we use our Presidency to bring people with us, particularly young people who will help shape Europe's future. Like Senator Stephenson, I recognise the need for civil society to be part of every conversation. Senator Higgins spoke about that as well in terms of the reflection. I know that as Europe Day approaches we will all be engaging.

To make a point about China, it does offer opportunity that we should not dismiss, while at the same time not pulling back from our right to uphold human rights around the world. We have a very strong role to play in that as a country.

We can reflect on, as we come to Europe Day on 9 May, that what Schuman proposed was not just a treaty or institution. It was an idea - which has grown, developed and evolved - that European nations, having spent a generation destroying each other, could again choose to build something different together - le chéile. That choice was made. It has been renewed in each generation. It needs to be done again. Never before have we more strongly needed a Europe that stands on the side of Ukraine and on the side of the people we support in this Chamber. Senator Andrews raised the issue of Israel and Palestine. The Government is very clear on that. That matter of the football match is one I know he is very exercised about, and rightly so. Personally, I have never been a supporter of boycotts. RTÉ has boycotted the Eurovision Song Contest, for example, and I think the FAI has made clear its position in terms of the implications for its organisation. I do not think any of us support what Israel is doing-----

Is there going to be security screening of-----

The Minister of State, without interruption.

The matter of screening is a matter for our authorities. I am sure every person who comes into the country will continue to be screened in the way they should be. None of us in any way support the awful killing and treatment of people by the Israelis. We have been very clear on that. I know it is an important issue and I take the point. I struggle on this somewhat. One part of me wants to boycott Israel coming and another part of me, as a sportsperson, recognises that sport brings people together. However, I take the Senator's point. I know I have other questions to address but I would be happy to come back to Members on a later date on that or to pass on the information to them. I thank Members for their contributions in what has been a very positive debate. Go raibh maith agaibh.

For the benefit of Members, the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs had to go over to the Dáil for exactly the same statements on the Dáil side. It was more a scheduling issue than anything else. He did, as Members saw, give his opening statement here but, unfortunately, because the Dáil had scheduled it in and around the same time as ourselves, he had to address the House there as well.

I thank the Minister of State for coming to the House and I thank all the Members for their contributions. When is it proposed to sit again?

Next Tuesday at 2.30 p.m.

Is that agreed? Agreed.