The US-Israeli assault on Iran is an act of aggression that threatens to set the entire Middle East ablaze. A sovereign state has been bombed, its leader assassinated and 185 innocent schoolgirls killed. These are not defensive actions. They are the actions of powerful states acting in defiance of international law. Let me state very clearly: the Iranian Government is brutal and repressive. It has crushed protesters, oppressed women and jailed dissidents. That merits the highest of condemnation but the brutality of one government does not license another to set aside international law and engage in military aggression. Israel, already pursuing a genocide in Gaza, has widened its murderous campaign. Israel has no interest in peace, in compromise or in negotiation, and the United States has backed and enabled this escalation. This represents military aggression over diplomacy. This confrontation has already spilled into Lebanon and across the Gulf.

The UN Charter is explicit: force is prohibited save in the case of imminent self-defence or UN Security authorisation and neither is demonstrated here. Pre-emptive is not a substitute for legality yet the Government's response has been limited to expressions of concern and calls for restraint. Calling for restraint on all sides blurs the reality of who initiated this aggression. Only days ago, the Taoiseach spoke of Ireland being able to "stand militarily" with states engaged in conflict. This language undermines Ireland's neutrality and neutrality matters precisely at moments like this. It means we do not align ourselves with aggression, but more to the point, it means we robustly defend international law consistently.

Of course, we are already seeing the consequences of all of this here with fuel prices rising sharply in recent days. The price-gouging has started. This needs to be stopped in its tracks and the Government needs to drop any notion or plan of increasing carbon taxes in the coming weeks.

Ní mór don Taoiseach ionsaithe na Stáit Aontaithe agus Iosrael ar an Iaráin a cháineadh mar shárú tubaisteach ar an dlí idirnáisiúnta. Ní leor guaim a lorg. Caithfidh sé stop láithreach a héileamh ar an ionsaí míleata seo, agus comhrá agus taidhleoireacht a mholadh, chomh maith le hathdhearbhú ar an dlí idirnáisúnta. Léiríonn an iompar bagrach seo arís dúinn an fáth gur cóir don Rialtas gníomhú chun neodrachas na hÉireann a láidriú in áit bheith ag obair go náireach chun an bun a bhaint de.

I ask the Taoiseach directly if he will condemn the US-Israeli strikes without qualification. Will he state clearly that they are in breach of international law? Irish neutrality demands that the Taoiseach be unequivocal on both these questions.

Ireland is in favour of a multilateral, rules-based international order and has consistently advocated for same. We believe in immediate de-escalation of the conflict in the Middle East, and particularly in Iran. We believe these issues ultimately, in terms of a sustainable resolution, has to be via diplomatic channels. Diplomacy, ultimately, is the only route that can sustainably bring about a lasting peace.

It has to be also said that the multilateral order has been dysfunctional for quite some time. The Deputy referenced the UN Security Council. It has been paralysed and powerless for quite some time in the prevention of war and conflict and in holding repressive regimes to account or in any way intervening in terms of those regimes. For a long time now, Iran has been a very malign influence in the world and in the Middle East, and, as the Deputy has acknowledged, in its repression of women and the LGBT community. The regime has executed thousands of Iranians for advocating for freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, and for seeking change through democratic channels. The international rules-based order, if we are honest about it, was absolutely powerless and paralysed to intervene there to prevent the execution of thousands of people.

We believe in a multilateral-based order, but we have to see reality too in terms of the full picture in this regard. Let us remember that for decades, Iran has sponsored Hamas. It has sponsored terror all over the Middle East. It sponsored and armed Hezbollah. It supported Assad and was key to keeping him and his brutal regime in power for a long time. It sent drones to the Russian military to kill innocent Ukrainians. These are realities that the Deputy has glossed over. I know Sinn Féin does not support Ukraine.

That is not true. That is a terrible thing to say.

Deputy McDonald referenced Ukraine. It is the truth. Sinn Féin opposed the €90 billion loan from Europe to Ukraine. If we were to follow Sinn Féin's advice, it would have been tantamount to asking Ukraine to surrender now to the Russians.

No, no.

There is no way on earth that Ukraine could sustain itself in a budgetary sense or in defending itself if it did not get that €90 billion from the European Union. Putin was delighted. If everybody else took the Sinn Féin view, the happiest man globally would be Putin. That was Sinn Féin's contribution to trying to resolve injustice and conflict in the world.

The Taoiseach has not answered the question about international law.

The Deputy's party leader will respond.

She will respond.

We have had this in other parts of the world, including Africa and so on, where democratic governments have been overthrown and people have been powerless. That has happened in the Sahel and so on. There are issues, no question, about where we are. There was no UN mandate for this action. No one is saying there was, and there was not. However, it is impossible to get a UN mandate even for peacekeeping now so paralysed and dysfunctional is the Security Council.

Wow. That is really dangerous.

We are in a very serious and dangerous situation.

There has been no mention of Israel. It has been three minutes and the Taoiseach has not mentioned Israel. For three minutes, he has avoided using the word "Israel".

I think history-----

It is shocking.

-----in reflecting on this period will see 7 October as a disastrous catalyst-----

-----for the uncertainty and instability of the world.

So history started on 7 October, yes?

Before Deputy McDonald resumes, I am sure that she, as the leader, is capable of answering during Leaders' Questions.

If we are to make progress here today, we need co-operation from both sides of the House, with Members' to speak without interruption.

The rhetoric we have just heard from the Taoiseach is very dangerous. He has, in effect, offered a defence and rationale for the indefensible and brazen breach of international law. These strikes were launched while negotiations over Iran's nuclear programme were reportedly making progress, while diplomacy was under way and while talks were described as constructive. Now, instead of dialogue, we have missiles. Instead of dialogue and negotiation, we have assassination and dead schoolgirls in large numbers. Why is it that the Taoiseach will not call out this aggression and name it for what it is? He expressed concern and called for restraint but notably stopped short of condemning those who have launched this attack. The question is: why? Ireland's neutrality and our commitment to international law mean absolutely nothing if they disappear when powerful states are involved. Why is the Taoiseach's shrinking away from stating the obvious? Why will he not speak clearly? Why will he not name the actions of Israel and the United States as illegal, dangerous and in breach of international law?

Hear, hear.

First of all, I am very clear. I am a multilateralist. I believe in peace and the pacific resolution of all conflict. I believe this conflict should be de-escalated as quickly as possible and those involved should get back to the negotiating table and resolve this through diplomacy. As I said, that is the only sustainable way forward. The Deputy can put whatever spin she likes on my contribution but I am very clear in respect of those basic principles in terms of the conduct of international affairs. However, what I have said cannot be contested in terms of how the Iranian regime not only suppresses its own people-----

The US regime-----

-----but was responsible for the deaths of many innocent people across not just the Middle East but globally. It has sponsored terrorists. Sinn Féin has looked the other way for years on that.

The Deputy is accusing me of a lack of clarity. Her organisation has supported the Republican party in the United States for decades in terms of financial contributions to Republican and MAGA candidates across the United States.

You are not a serious-----

Deputy Bacik has the floor please.

We are witnessing a terrifying outbreak of war in Iran and across the Middle East over recent days, with strikes on schools and infrastructure, citizens locked down, flights cancelled and global chaos. At the outset, I will say what the Taoiseach and his Government colleagues have so far failed to say, namely that the attacks carried out by the United States and Israel represent a flagrant breach of international law. Their bombardment of Iran is illegal and should be condemned by the Taoiseach. Of course, the Iranian regime is tyrannical, deeply repressive and has murdered thousands of civilians over recent months. Labour has consistently condemned the Iranian regime and has supported pro-democracy and women's rights campaigners in Iran. Indeed, I have been publicly condemned by the Iranian ambassador to Ireland because I criticised his depraved whitewash of the murder of teenager Jina Mahsa Amini by so-called morality police in Iran. I brought Irish citizen Bernard Phelan to Leinster House to speak about his illegal and brutal incarceration by Iran in the so-called Satan's Block prison wing.

We in Labour have no truck with the Iranian regime. However, two things can be true at once. We can oppose and condemn an authoritarian regime, yet still insist international law is upheld . When we see the erosion of democracy and creeping fascism in different countries across the world, it becomes all the more important for us to uphold the rule of law resolutely and steadfastly and the Taoiseach must acknowledge that. Yet, he cannot bring himself to condemn outright these attacks. Instead, he engages in what I would say is doublespeak. He said he is a multilateralist but criticised the United Nations which, while imperfect, represents the embodiment of a multilateral world order and of multilateralism and the rule of law.

Worse again, in a fortnight he will genuflect before the man responsible for this global disorder and will do so in the name of the people of Ireland, all without offering any principled criticism of Trump's warmongering. It is warmongering. Trump's war has consequences. Some 200 children were killed in a strike on an Iranian primary school.

A total of 25,000 Irish citizens are stranded and trapped in countries across the Middle East as they experience appalling and illegal bombing by Iran. We are all waiting to learn what exactly Trump means when he says, "We haven't even started hitting them hard". Those are terrifying words. This is a chaotic White House, which is destabilising what was already a tinderbox in the Middle East, destroying innocent lives, disrupting the global economy and pushing the most vulnerable people into harsh poverty. Here in Ireland, energy bills are skyrocketing already. On "Liveline" yesterday we heard from people frazzled, racing against the real-time price-gouging that we are seeing with home heating oil, forced to plan for yet more wartime inflation, just four years after the Putin's brutal war in Ukraine. We cannot then see the Taoiseach engage in plastic-Paddy pageantry while hiding behind vague language. Will the Taoiseach condemn the US and Israeli action as a breach of international law? What is the Government doing to safeguard Irish citizens in the region and to ensure de-escalation?

We are very clear on upholding the international rule of law. This bombing campaign is not in accordance with a UN mandate. I totally accept the Deputy's bona fides. She has been consistent on Iran, but the international rules-based order has been powerless to do anything about Iran, if we are honest, over a long period. That does raise questions. It is not a new question; it is a decades-old question in terms of intervention. There have been interventions by previous American presidents with consequences that were long-lasting in a negative sense. We know all of that but, equally, regimes have been allowed and sanctions have not been enough to shift those regimes into facilitating democracy within their jurisdictions or at least allowing their civilians freedom of movement and speech and the opportunities to change by democratic channels.

The Deputy described the brutal crackdown of the Mahsa Amini protest, which was about the liberation of women within in Iran. It was brutal and the world was powerless and did nothing. We do not have full estimates relating to what happened only six weeks ago but some say it could be as high as 10,000 or 15,000 ordinary Iranians executed for just protesting. There are moral dilemmas everywhere. I take the Deputy's basic point that we do not believe in intervention without a UN mandate. No one is even disputing that but, equally, there is a huge issue with this regime. The challenges, as the Deputy said, relate to instability across the region. That is why we are calling for a de-escalation and getting back around the negotiating table. These negotiations on the nuclear file have been going on since 2005 or 2007. That is how long they have been going on. They have been dragged out, as has the ballistics programme.

I met Bernard Phelan as well. At will the Iranian regime just kidnapped European citizens, put them in prison and then ransomed or blackmailed western governments to try to get them released. That was the modus operandi . Bernard Phelan and people he met in prison had a fairly brutal imprisonment. Some of them have yet to get out of those prisons in Iran.

We can all agree there are no good guys here. The Iranian regime is brutal and we have utterly condemned it. However, the Israeli and US attacks on Iran are also illegal. We should be able to say that very clearly. The socialist Prime Minister of Spain has been very clear in condemning the attacks and refusing to allow Spanish bases to be used by the US. Why can we not have that clarity here? Instead, as I said, the Taoiseach engages in a sort of double-speak, criticizing the UN, yet failing to recognise that in fact there has been an effective use of multilateral institutions in containing, reducing and diminishing Iran's nuclear capabilities.

Why can we not work with the multilateral institutions that we have? Why can we not hear the Irish Government condemning clearly the US-Israeli strikes as in breach of international law? There is, I think, a clear indication that the Taoiseach is soft-pedalling a national response in fear of upsetting Washington ahead of St. Patrick's Day. I think that has to be the conclusion-----

Hear, hear.

-----that we all must draw. The Irish people are not fools.

Thank you, Deputy Bacik. Will the Taoiseach respond?

You never mentioned the Irish citizens.

We did, actually.

I think that is what we are seeing here.

Thank you, Deputy Bacik. Please, Deputies.

St. Patrick's Day will come and go. It is the more enduring sustainable relationship between the US and Ireland that is important, but park that for a moment. St. Patrick's Day will come and go. There will be many of those, but the relationship is much deeper and much more substantial than that. Let us be honest about that too.

The Deputy referenced the UN Security Council. By virtue of the composition post Second World War, it is no longer fit for purpose. I am not criticising every member of the UN, but the reality is with Russia, China, the US-----

What is the alternative?

Please. The alternative is a much broader UN Security Council without the veto of these three powers. That is the obvious way. Africa should be represented.

Hear, hear.

South America should be represented. People who can make a contribution-----

That is the General Assembly.

Vast populations of the world are not represented on the Security Council and all we are getting is veto after veto after veto. We cannot get peacekeeping missions approved by the UN Security Council. One of the most sustainable peacekeeping missions that we have been involved in is Lebanon and, at the behest of the US, the Security Council has put a deadline on that for next year. Those are the realities of a UN Security Council that has not been fit for purpose for a long time.

What about Shannon Airport?

It is nearly 23 years since the beginning of the Iraq war. That was started with a “pre-emptive” strike on Saddam Hussein’s presidential palace. More than two decades later, and it is clear no lessons have been learned from that disaster. The United States and Israel have labelled their strikes on Iran as “pre-emptive”. They have done that purely for propaganda purposes to try to give their violent attacks a veneer of legality. But let us be clear: this military action is a clear breach of international law. It should be strongly condemned by the Taoiseach and the rest of the Government. Instead, we get words of “concern” and “dismay”. From reading the Taoiseach's statement, you would not even know the US was involved.

We all agree that the Iranian regime is brutal, authoritarian and repressive. Tens of thousands of people have been killed in recent protests, and an unknowable number have been imprisoned, but this attempted regime change by the US and Israel, supported by European allies, is not just reckless; it is dangerous. As President Connolly has said:

The normalisation of war, including the invasion at will of sovereign states, is a path that only leads to destruction and loss of life.

The entire Middle East is already a tinderbox, and this war is spiralling out of control. More than 780 people, including 168 schoolgirls, have already been slaughtered in Iran and the death toll is rising across the region. This escalation in violence has caused huge distress and anxiety for thousands of Irish citizens now stranded in Gulf countries and it has also exposed our 358 peacekeepers in Lebanon to significant danger. Their families need to be assured that they will be pulled out if the situation deteriorates further.

Does the Irish Government now believe that large countries can simply ignore international law and launch attacks on other countries whenever they feel like it? The fact is that the Trump Administration changes its rationale for going to war day by day and European leaders, including the Taoiseach, are just stepping back and allowing that to happen, refusing to outright condemn the US as it continues to dismantle international law. I cannot emphasise enough my condemnation of the Iranian regime and its treatment of women in particular, but where does this end? International law does not just apply to countries we agree with. The structures are there to prevent all hell breaking loose on the international stage and those structures are being completely dismantled. Trump has bombed seven countries since taking office and has faced no consequences for his actions. The strategy of appeasing the Trump Administration has not worked. It is past time for European leaders, including the Taoiseach, to stand up for international law. Will the Taoiseach condemn this attack? Will he rule out any use of Shannon Airport by the US military? Will he outline the steps he is taking to ensure the repatriation of Irish citizens stranded in the Middle East?

Ireland believes fundamentally in international rule of law. We are a multilateral nation and all our work over the past number of years has been dedicated to those principles in every single form that we attend under the auspices of the United Nations, the European Union or, indeed, other international organisations. International law is not being adhered to and has not been for quite some time by many actors. That is the reality. Prime Minister Carney called that out in Davos and described the reality of the international world order as we see it today. The House is agreed on the brutality of the Iranian regime but if we are all honest, one would not have thought that for the past three years because there was rarely a debate in here about Iran. There was barely a motion here about the malign views of Iran. I think someone on the backbenches here raised it. It might have been the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, some years ago, who put a formal position here on the Iranian regime. There was a studied silence here. The Deputy can accuse me of this, that and the other but on the Opposition side, there was a one-directional approach to the international order. At times, even the Russian aggression is condemned and put aside in a formulaic way.

We are very clear. First, I condemn the killing of children anywhere in any situation. Children and innocent civilians must always be prioritised, without question. One of the big challenges for the UN is that we are similar to where we were prior to the demise of the League of Nations. There is a serious issue in the world. It is dangerous, without question. There is an absence of an international rules-based order right now. Of that, there is no question. It is dangerous for small nations like Ireland which depend on an international rules-based order for our security because we are not a military nation. We do not have military power. We are fundamentally a peacekeeping nation. That is our orientation and that has been our contribution, as well as humanitarian aid to many troubled spots in the world. We have contributed Irish personnel to conflict resolution all over the world. We have done it in Mozambique, Colombia and elsewhere. That is our contribution and to try to characterise the Irish position as anything else is disingenuous. That is how we perform on an international level.

We also realise the limits of what we can do globally and internationally. We are clear that the only sustainable way forward, which will require the world to engage collectively, is a proper international rules-based order that can also deal effectively with rogue and oppressive regimes, which it has failed to deal with for three or four decades.

What about Shannon?

That was a long-winded way of the Taoiseach saying that he will not condemn the breach of international law. We can all agree that the UN is not perfect but it is the best that we have got. The Taoiseach should be doing much more to try to defend that. The Taoiseach cannot just say that we support international law. He has to defend it when it matters. He has to call out the US when it tramples all over it.

First and foremost, the people of the Middle East will suffer as a result of this illegal war but the effects will be global. Energy companies are already cynically capitalising on this crisis with blatant price-gouging. We have had reports of the price of home heating oil skyrocketing, which will be devastating for people all over the country who are already struggling, not least the disabled people who are protesting at the weekend because they simply cannot afford to live in this country. What will the Taoiseach do about energy price-gouging that is already under way? What supports will be made available to people who simply cannot take any further rising costs? Will the Taoiseach at least consider the Social Democrats' proposal for a €400 energy credit for those who need it the most.

In terms of the energy situation, from anecdotal accounts, it would appear there is a degree of price-gouging is going on. In our view, both the Commission for Regulation of Utilities, CRU, and Competition and Consumer Protection Commission should closely monitor what is happening and people who have complaints should immediately complain to the Competition and Consumer Protection Commission and the CRU. The working family payment will start on Thursday and an extra 50,000 families will benefit from the fuel allowance. Those on the working family payment will benefit from the fuel allowance and will receive back pay to January.

That will be a help to that cohort. We will keep an urgent review of the situation as it unfolds because there is the potential of a crisis here, clearly, similar to what happened in terms of the invasion of Ukraine and the consequential energy crisis that occurred there. We will keep this under continual review in terms of how it develops over the next number of days and weeks.

The cost of filling a car with petrol at the moment is €100. It is €19 above what was just five years ago. Some 60% of the cost of a litre of diesel is now tax, and 65% of the cost of a litre of petrol is now tax. This breaks down as follows: 54 cent in excise; 2 cent on the National Oil Reserve Agency, NORA; 16 cent on carbon tax; 8 cent on better energy tax; and 32 cent on VAT. Out of the €1.73 price for a litre of petrol, €1.13 is now Government tax. The Government is taking the majority of the cost of a litre of petrol and diesel in tax. A €100 fill of a tank would actually cost €35 if it was not for the ever-increasing fuel taxes by this Government. These taxes are not progressive. They hurt low- and middle-income families the most, and they hurt those in regional and rural Ireland the most. In 2024, the Government took €4.1 billion in fuel taxes. That was the highest such figure ever, and it happened at the peak of the cost-of-living crisis. In 2024, carbon tax reached €1 billion for the first time. It is now the largest fuel tax in the country, and it is going to increase for every year up to 2030 no matter what the economic circumstance of the citizens of this country.

The war in Iran will likely send the cost of fuel surging. Academics are saying that the price of petrol could increase by 70 cent to €2.44. Diesel could increase by 81 cent to €2.53. That would bring a full tank for petrol and diesel in this country above €150. These are eye-watering figures. This is already happening. On Friday, a fill of home heating oil cost about €1,000 in the State, and it has increased by about €150 in just four days. This should not be happening because the supply chain purchased this oil before the crisis in Iran. Again, according to academics, a fill of home heating oil could actually top out at €2,000 in this particular situation. Incredibly, the Government will be quids in from this increase in the price of fuel. Not only are families being price gouged, but the truth of the matter is that this Government is tax gouging in these circumstances. When the price of fuel increases in this country, the Government makes more in taxation on that increased price. That is an incredible situation.

What I am proposing is that the Government looks at the carbon taxes. We were told that carbon taxes were to change behaviour and that this was to move people away fossil fuels, and when we reached a certain price, people would then make that change. However, if the market is already reaching that price, surely the carbon tax is just punitive in relation to that. We were told that the carbon tax was about moving people into alternatives, such as sustainable transport or other ways of heating their homes. If they cannot do that, is a carbon tax not just punitive in that scenario? Will the Taoiseach scrap the carbon tax on petrol and diesel if the cost increases beyond current levels?

In terms of the overall energy situation, the Deputy is correct in saying that there is no necessity for home heating oil to increase, given that many people will have had that oil in stock and, indeed, much of that oil comes via Britain and Norway, not from the Middle East. That has been the source for quite a long time.

The Deputy has conflated a lot of issues. General revenue - all revenues, for example from energy or income tax - goes to fund social services in the State. If we were to eliminate all revenue on fuel, we would have a very significant hole in the sustainable budget, which would take services away from education, health and social protection. We are already being criticised for having too narrow a tax base in terms of fiscal sustainability over the next 20 to 30 years. The Deputy wants to narrow that tax base even more.

On the carbon tax, the bottom line is that every cent of that carbon tax is given back to people in terms of the fuel allowance and, in particular, the expansion of the fuel allowance to cover more people, including the working family payment cohort, with 50,000 people on top of all those on social protection.

The Deputy is now saying let us pull the rug from under the fuel poverty initiatives we have created and from under the retrofit industry-----

I have not said anything like that. The Taoiseach is arguing with someone else.

-----because around €553 million of the carbon tax is going towards retrofitting.

The Taoiseach is having a pretend discussion.

Deputy, that is not allowed.

Retrofitting helps people to reduce their bills on a sustainable basis into the future. Third, that would be pulling the rug from under farmers who will benefit this year to the tune of €173 million from the carbon tax revenue in the form of agri-environmental schemes in terms of the ACRES programme. I argued for a carbon tax at the beginning of the 2020 Government on the basis that it would provide us with funding to enable change to happen. There is no way you could fund the retrofit programme without a dedicated ring-fenced budget. There is no way you could do that on a sustainable basis. We have created an industry and a lot of opportunities for workers and new companies in retrofitting. Does the Deputy want to take all that away over night and take away that clarity and certainty of landscape that is out there until 2030 and beyond? We do accept, without question, there is pressure on people and there potentially might be even greater pressure as a result of this crisis but we will look at that in the round in terms of how we can support people more generally regarding supports. We will keep that under review as it unfolds. That is a more effective way of dealing with this and helping to support people. In the budget, prior to the outbreak of war, we supported those most in need and we targeted the resources to working families on low incomes and those on social protection as opposed to a universal approach.

Now it is your time, Deputy Tóibín.

The Taoiseach often answers questions nobody has asked in this situation on weekly basis. It is like a pretend debate where he answers questions that nobody has actually posed to him at all and he ignores the questions that are specifically posed to him. We are not looking to decrease the tax base. We are asking him to stop increasing the carbon tax base. That is what the actual question was. Right now 300,000 people in arrears on electricity bills in this country. How does it make the Taoiseach feel that he has families in a constant state of turmoil on the consumption of a basic staple? How does it make him feel that this is not an aberration? This is a permanent outcome of his energy policy in this country. Three hundred thousand people is an enormous number of people to be suffering significantly every single year in terms of energy. In May, the Government will put up the carbon tax on gas to €71 a tonne. In the middle of this energy crisis his strategy is to make it harder for those families to actually pay for gas and that will come back on the electricity that people pay for as well.

Deputy Tóibín-----

All I am asking the Taoiseach to do is to put a limit on carbon increases during this crisis.

The Taoiseach to respond.

Actually, the Deputy asked me in the first iteration – he can check it – to scrap it. That is what he said, so it is not a temporary limitation. He opposed it anyway.

I did, yes.

Then why is he trying to pretend? He has opposed it from the beginning. He is just duplicitous in terms of his approach.

I need patience.

The Deputy will say whatever matters on the day to advance his position. He thinks electorally and politically. That is just what he does.

Three hundred thousand-----

Could I just make the point that we did reduce VAT on electricity and gas bills from 13% to 9%-----

It is still the most expensive in Europe.

-----and we have extended that out to 2030. As I said, we have extended fuel allowance to 26% of the population. As I said, as this situation unfolds, we will keep this under review. We have always responded to people’s needs, as we did during the Ukrainian war crisis. We have to do so in a sustainable basis. That is our commitment - we will do it on a sustainable basis.