No, but the Minister of State is bringing forward legislation that is putting additional responsibilities onto another organisation. He cannot just wash his hands of it-----
On prevailing side: this member voted with the winning side in 52 of 1,007 decisive votes (14 abstentions excluded). Read it as a government-or-opposition indicator rather than a measure of influence — the figure is near 100% for members supporting the government of the day and near 0% for those opposing it.
This is the point of the site: contributions keep the party held on the day, not the one held now.
| Party | Recorded as | Contributions | Period |
|---|---|---|---|
| SF | Sinn Féin | 2,327 | 2020-02-20 – 2026-09-30 |
| CC | Ceann Comhairle / Chair | 1 | 2024-02-22 – 2024-02-22 |
Membership spells on record: SF 2020-02-08–2024-11-08 · SF 2024-11-29–present
No, but the Minister of State is bringing forward legislation that is putting additional responsibilities onto another organisation. He cannot just wash his hands of it-----
-----and say it is another Department. It is his Department.
I am asking the Minister of State how he is going to do that.
How many extra staff are going to be provided, how much extra funding is going to be provided and when is that going to be funded? Will the Minister of State ensure all those measures are put in place before he assigns these additional responsibilities to a State agency that has not been able to fulfil the responsibilities it already has?
I ask the Minister of State for clarification. Section 4 sets out how official documents can be served. It allows for delivery in person, by post or electronically. It defines valid email and phone contact points, explains the use of a secure online portal and states when a service is legally deemed completed. Is the Minister of State satisfied the section does not potentially create a problem whereby documents might be deemed served even though an applicant may not have received them? Does he feel amendments might…
I have a couple of technical questions. Section 5 removes several parts of the 2015 Act, repealing Part 2, Part 8 and specific sections. It is effectively clearing out older procedures to make way for the new system. Are there old procedures that are not included in the new Act? If so, can some detail be provided on that? Part 2 sets out the framework for making international protection applications, including preliminary interviews and how claims are lodged. If he has that information, will the Minister of State d…
This is again dealing with the concept of a safe third country. I want to go back to the situation with Britain as a result of the amendment of the 2015 Act. As the Minister of State will know, following Brexit, Ireland could no longer use the EU Dublin III regulation to return international protection applicants to Britain, but for a while Britain remained a de facto safe third country because of the 2015 Act and the regulations still listed in it. Then in 2022 the Government formally stopped treating Britain as a…
What does the Minister of State mean by "look at"? Does he see the Oireachtas being informed about the ongoing work? It is as clear as mud at this point. I gather from his response that this is an important issue that requires clarification and potentially a response through regulation. Is it a provision in this Bill? Will this section allow this matter to be resolved and will it be resolved through Britain being designated a safe third country? Is that what is proposed?
I move amendment No. 15: In page 26, after line 30, to insert the following: “Community impact assessments prior to location of international protection accommodation 14. (1) Prior to the establishment of any new accommodation centre under this Act, the Minister shall ensure that a Community Impact Assessment is prepared and published. (2) A Community Impact Assessment shall be carried out by— (a) the relevant local authority, or (b) such other competent body as the Minister may appoint for that purpose. (3) A Comm…
Well said.
I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for his indulgence. I welcome our guests from Roscommon. I am half a Roscommon man and the way the GAA is going this year, I think I will be a Rossies supporter this season. I want to support what has been said by my Sinn Féin colleagues in respect of ensuring that bluetongue is addressed on an all-Ireland basis. In my view, it is absolutely crazy that we have a situation in my county, which I am sure is the same across the Border region, if not further beyond, whereby trading Nort…
I will tell the Minister of State what madness is. It is repeating the same speech Ministers and Ministers of State have been making for the past ten years at a time it is blatantly evident that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael simply are not capable of dealing with the housing crisis. Many people chose to forget the two so-called opponents of Irish politics, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, were forced to drop the facade and coalesce in large part as a response to the public outcry in 2020 at the housing crisis and the failure…
Hear, hear.
Kenova exposes a central truth about the conflict on this island. Collusion was not accidental. It was not exceptional. It was embedded in British state policy. Today I want to focus on an issue this House cannot avoid. Many of the crimes exposed by Kenova did not stop at the Border. They crossed into this jurisdiction. When they did, Irish citizens were entitled to the full protection of Irish law, but they did not receive it. The most searing example remains the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, the single deadliest atta…
That is why we must now confront the failures in how many cases have been handled here. Did you want the floor, Taoiseach?
I am not, but I will tell you this, Taoiseach.
On the first occasion that I had to attend a commemorative event on Talbot Street to remember the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, the involvement by this State on that occasion was the presence of special branch men who were taking notes of the family members. That speaks to what I am talking about today.
The Irish Government supported the establishment of a historical investigations unit under the Stormont House Agreement in 2014 and legislated for co-operation in 2019. That unit was never delivered. Instead, the British Government introduced the shameful legacy Act, rejected by victims and widely criticised. If this State recognised the need for historical investigative units in the North, it cannot credibly argue against establishing an independent, time-bound unit here. Seeking truth about Dublin-Monaghan, John …
Molaim mo chomrádaí, an Teachta Máire Devine, as a cuid oibre ar an mBille seo. Despite lots of rhetoric and good intentions, the fact is the Government has been far too slow to address what is now apparent as a clear gap in the Harassment, Harmful Communications and Related Offences Act 2020. I welcome that the Government has indicated that it will not be opposing this Bill. I look forward to working on a cross-party basis to ensure that we deliver this legislation in a timely manner. As has been outlined Coco's L…
Caithfidh an Rialtas bata agus bóthar a thabhairt do Larry Murrin mar chathaoirleach ar Bhord Bia. Tá muinín na n-eagraíochtaí feirmeoireachta agus an phobail i gcoitinne caillte aige. Caithfidh sé imeacht. We are now nine days into a serious and escalating crisis of confidence in Bord Bia. It is a crisis entirely of the Government's own making. At the heart of it is a clear and undeniable conflict of interest. The chair of Bord Bia is head of a company that imports Brazilian beef that is produced to lower standard…